Citrus farmer Yusuf Jilal
Arafat stands in front of his home, in which his 5-year-old daughter
Runan was killed when 10 Israeli missiles struck this mostly
agricultural area in the Al Zeitoun neighborhood of Gaza City, December
2, 2012. Arafat’s wife, four months pregnant, and 8-year-old son Jilal
(black shirt) were found alive in the rubble. His children now suffer
from frequent panic attacks at night. Arafat does not know why his home
was targeted, as no rockets were launched from the area.
(photo by: Ryan Rodrick Beiler/Activestills.org)
A year after 'Pillar of Defense' the nightmare continues
year after 165 Palestinians and 6 israelis were killed, political
leaders have yet to conduct independent, impartial investigations into
allegations of human rights violations.
(Yonatan Gher, +972blog, 11/16/13)
On 21 November 2012, 13-year-old Mahmoud
Abu Khousa was killed when he was struck by a missile fired by an
Israeli drone as he walked to a shop down the road from his home in the
al-Manara area of Gaza City.
Delegates from Amnesty International’s International Secretariat examined the site
of the missile strike a few days later. The missile struck Mahmoud on a wide road
with good visibility from above. Israeli aerial surveillance
should have been able to see that he was a child. Witnesses said there
were no evident military targets in the vicinity at the time.
Mahmoud was killed on the last day of an eight-day conflict between the Israeli military and Palestinian armed groups
in the Gaza Strip. Israeli forces had launched Operation Pillar of
Defense on 14 November 2012 by killing the leader of the military wing
of Hamas, following unlawful attacks by both sides in the preceding
Within just over a week, more than 165 Palestinians, including
more than 30 children and some 70 other civilians who were not directly
participating in hostilities, and six Israelis, including four
civilians, were killed. A ceasefire was reached on the evening of 21
The Israeli military has not commented on the killing of Mahmoud
in any of 18 strikes documented by Amnesty International, in which
civilians were killed by Israeli drone-fired missiles during that
Tens of thousands of Gazans fled their homes during the conflict.
While the majority of these families were able to return to their homes
after the ceasefire, they still struggle with the trauma of having had
to flee, often under fire. Hundreds of families in Gaza remain
displaced because their homes
were destroyed in the conflict. A year on, most have been unable
to rebuild because of the continuing Israeli restrictions on the import
of construction materials into Gaza.
In Israel, too, civilians bore the brunt of the conflict.
Palestinian armed groups fired more than 1,500 rockets and mortars
during the eight days. The vast majority of these weapons were
indiscriminate, meaning that they were not capable of being directed at
military targets and therefore their use violated international
One year after the fighting, neither side has conducted independent and impartial investigations into allegations of violations.
Israel’s Military Advocate General has received scores of
complaints from Palestinian and Israeli NGOs, including cases of
civilians who were killed in attacks which may well have been war
crimes, but has yet to open a single criminal investigation to Amnesty
Syrian Kurds with a PKK flag protest against the construction of a wall along the border.
The Hamas de facto administration in the
Gaza Strip has not conducted investigations of any kind into violations
of international humanitarian law by Palestinian armed groups during
The lack of accountability for serious violations of
international humanitarian law, including war crimes, is systemic and
goes well beyond the November 2012 conflict.
Israeli violations in both the Gaza Strip and the West Bank
continue on a daily basis, including regular use of lethal force
against Palestinian civilians posing no threat to Israeli forces.
The fear of more bloodshed hangs like a dark cloud over men,
women and children who feel trapped in a cycle of violations fueled by
a climate of impunity. And if the fear of more deadly attacks wasn’t
bad enough, those living in Gaza have to contend with the disastrous
effects of Israel’s continuing land, sea and air blockade of the
territory, together with restrictions imposed by Egypt. Gazans lack
safe drinking water, face 12-hour power outages on a daily basis, and
many struggle to access basic necessities such as adequate food and
These hardships were compounded on November 1 of this year when
Gaza’s sole power plant was forced to shut down due to lack of fuel,
further jeopardizing vital health and sanitation services.
“The world has forgotten Gaza, its women and children. The
blockade is as bad as the war; it’s like a slow death for everyone in
Gaza. We are paying the price for disputes between different powers.
The world haslost its humanity,” ‘Attiyeh Abu Khousa, Mahmoud’s father, told Amnesty International last week.
The world continues to look the other way when it comes to the blockade
on Gaza, which collectively punishes 1.7 million civilians. This stark
violation of international law has been allowed to continue for more
than six years. Unless Israeli and Palestinian leaders demonstrate
political will to protect civilians –on both sides – the cycle of
violations will become a recurring nightmare. And unless the
international community ensures that ending human rights abuses and
impunity for crimes under international law are prioritized, a just and
enduring resolution of the conflict will remain elusive.
Yonatan Gher is the Director of Amnesty International Israel.
For additional original analysis and breaking news, visit +972 Magazine's Facebook page
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Photograph: Mehmet Engin/AFP/Getty Images
Turkey's new border wall angers Kurds on both sides of Syrian divide
Locals shocked at building of 'unnecessary and divisive' new border wall,
which they claim risks Kurdish peace talks
(Constanze Letsch in Nusaybin, on the Turkey-Syria border; Guardian UK, 11/8/13)
The Turkish authorities have started
erecting a wall on the frontier with Syria in what is being seen as an
attempt to divide the Kurdish majority populations on both sides of the
border, prompting protests and hunger strikes, and jeopardising peace
Without informing the local government in the town of Nusaybin in
south-eastern Turkey, the authorities sent in construction crews
recently to start erecting a two-metre-high wall on the border with
Qamishli in north-eastern Syria. The sudden building project is stoking
fears that more walls are planned.
The Nusaybin mayor, Ayse Gökkan, has spent several days on a "death
fast" at the site this week in protest at what she calls the "wall of
shame". About 50 others joined the hunger strike, according to local
reports, and a big protest march is planned against alleged
According to Turkish newspaper reports on Friday morning, the wall
construction has been stopped temporarily and mayor has stopped her
The Turkish interior ministry said last
month the wall was being built "for security reasons", and to curb
smuggling and illegal crossings, allegations that Kurdish community
leaders on both sides of the frontier dispute strongly.
"There have never been fire fights across this border," Gökkan said.
"The terrain is completely flat and can be easily monitored. There are
landmines. This is probably the safest bit of our border with Syria."
"Why do they not build walls further west, where rebel fighters and
al-Qaida are allowed to cross the border freely?" Gökkan asked.
All Gökkan's inquiries to ministries and government offices went
unanswered. "I learned about the wall from the newspapers," she said.
Most locals strongly oppose what they see as an attempt to divide their
community. "We don't call it Nusaybin and Qamishli, or Turkey and
Syria," said one woman who wished to remain anonymous. "It has always
been 'this side of the fence' and 'the other side of the fence'. We are
all inter-married, we all have family on the other side. Many have dual
citizenship. This wall is an effort to separate Kurds in the region,
and nothing else."
The mayor warned that the anti-Kurdish move could sabotage ongoing
peace talks between Ankara and the Kurdish militants of the PKK aimed
at ending the 30-year-old Kurdish insurgency in Turkey.
"The wall is a declaration of war against Kurds by the Turkish
government," she said. "What kind of peace are they trying to achieve
by driving a wall between us?"
Many on both sides of the frontier see
the wall as the latest evidence of perceived Turkish government support
for Islamist groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State of
Iraq and the Levant who have been attacking Kurdish villages in Syria,
killing and displacing thousands, while also fighting the Assad regime.
In Syria, Palestinian Refugees Made Refugees Again
(Matt Surrusco, The Daily Beast, 1018/13)
Many Syrian Kurds who have fled to Turkey are angry too.
"We don't want this," a 56-year-old woman explained. "It is reassuring
to know that the rest of your family is right there in Qamishli. The
wall would cut us off completely from our relatives. Three of my
daughters are still in Syria."
" Ismail Boubi, head of a local Syrian-Turkish aid organisation who
fled Syria for Nusaybin 14 years ago, demanded that the wall be halted,
the minefields cleared and the barbed wire dismantled.
"The construction of the wall demolishes democracy. This is not what we need."
With Syria's civil war entering its
third year, 2 million Syrians are displaced internally while nearly
730,000 are refugees living outside Syria. But for the half million
Palestinian refugees who have lived in Syria since 1948, the situation
is even more dire. Jordan denies them refuge as a matter of policy, and
Lebanon restricts entry by a visa fee that Syrian refugees are not
required to pay.
Palestinians are running out of places to go.
More than half of the Palestinian residents of Syria have been
displaced, according to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency
(UNRWA), the U.N. agency that provides aid and services to 5 million
Palestinian refugees in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.
Speaking from Amman, UNRWA deputy commissioner Margot Ellis recounted a
recent trip to Lebanon, where she visited a family of 23 Palestinians
from Syria who lived in a two-room apartment in the Shatila refugee
camp. They had to sleep in shifts because there wasn't enough room for
everyone to lie down at the same time. Lebanon has allowed in more
Palestinians from Syria than any other country, but it already hosted
490,000 refugees descended from those who fled in 1948.
(Dore Stein note: For Palestinians, 1948 marks the 'Nakba' or the
'catastrophe', when hundreds of thousands were forced out of their
The vast majority is denied citizenship or the right to work in nearly
every profession. They are dependent on international aid.
Jordan hosts the most Palestinian
refugees, with 2 million from the generations displaced in 1948 and
1967, and their descendants. But while nearly 400,000 Syrians have
found refuge in Jordan, the government has officially denied entry to
the Palestinians amongst them since January, citing security concerns
and the country's delicate demographic balance. The 9,200 Palestinian
refugees from Syria who did cross the border into Jordan have been held
in separate facilities, with local relatives prevented from obtaining
In dozens of cases, Palestinians have been sent back to Syria, against
the international norm of non-refoulement, or the principle of not
sending refugees back to the place they are fleeing due to persecution
Last year Israel offered West Bank residency to Palestinian refugees
from Syria, but only on condition they renounce their claim to refugee
status, meaning they would lose the right to UNRWA aid and give up
their right of return. Palestinians have not taken Israel up on its
“Without a just resolution of the refugee question in the context of a
negotiated Palestinian-Israeli settlement, Palestinians have nowhere to
go,” Ellis said.
First flying from Damascus to Cairo, 1,500 Palestinians from Syria have
gone to Gaza, where 67 percent of the standing refugee population of
1.2 million lives with food insecurity. About 6,000 Palestinians
fleeing Syria have stayed in Egypt and less than 1,600 went to Turkey,
both countries in
which UNRWA has no mandate.
The only other alternative is to remain in Syria and risk being killed.
Where Palestinian refugees once lived in large concentrations in Syria, now there are “ghost camps,” Ellis said.
In December 2012, fighting spilled into
the Yarmouk camp, a suburb south of Damascus and once home to the
largest Palestinian refugee population in Syria. Since then, Ellis
said, Yarmouk’s refugee population has declined by approximately
Human Rights Watch New Report on Syria
"You Can Still See Their Blood:
87 percent—from 160,000 to 20,000 or fewer.
Syrian government and opposition forces control different entry points
and areas inside the camp, which has compelled Palestinians to flee.
This phenomenon has been replicated in six of Syria’s 12 UNRWA camps,
where staff members no longer
In a single day in April, Ellis said 6,000 people were displaced from
Ein el-Tal, an unofficial camp near Aleppo, after armed groups swept
through the camp.
“If we can't get access, we can't help Palestinians in need,” she said.
Palestinians call their displacement from Syria “a second Nakba,” Ellis
said. The first Nakba, or catastrophe, was when Palestinians were
displaced in 1948.
But whereas in 1948 Syria greeted them with open arms, today their
adopted home is a war zone and the other Arab states that once welcomed
them are turning them away.
If Israel and the Palestinians reached a two-state solution, there
would be more flight options for Palestinian refugees, Ellis said.
“Palestinians would know what their future held.”
Until that happens, Palestinian refugees are apt to be made refugees many times over.
Executions, Indiscriminate Shootings, and Hostage Taking by Opposition Forces in Latakia Countryside"
(Click to view report, 10/10/13)
Click to View Human Rights Watch Video
Some of the Report's Findings:
Armed opposition groups in Syria killed
at least 190 civilians and seized over 200 hostages during a
military offensive that began in rural Latakia governorate on August
4. At least 67 of the victims were executed or unlawfully killed
in the operation around pro-government Alawite villages.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) Syria researcher Lama Fakih stated that taking
these Alawite villages in Latakia countryside would be a shot into the
heartland of Assad's stronghold. These villages are on the front line
of what is increasingly sectarian war between government forces and
The HRW Report
report presents evidence that the civilians were killed on August 4,
the first day of the operation. Two opposition groups that took part in
the offensive, the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham and Jaish
al-Muhajireen wal-Ansar, are still holding the hostages, the vast
majority women and children. The findings strongly suggest that the
killings, hostage taking, and other abuses rise to the level of war
crimes and crimes against humanity, Human Rights Watch said.
“These abuses were not the actions of rogue fighters,” said Joe Stork, acting Middle East director
at Human Rights Watch
. “This operation was a coordinated, planned attack on the civilian population in these Alawite villages.”
To provide victims a measure of justice, the UN Security Council should
immediately refer Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC),
Human Rights Watch said. Human Rights Watch has also documented war
crimes and crimes against humanity by Syrian government forces.
For the report, Human Rights Watch
conducted an on-site investigation and interviewed more than 35 people,
including residents who survived the offensive, emergency response
staff, and fighters and activists on both government and opposition
Human Rights Watch found that at least 20 distinct armed opposition
groups participated in the operation. It is not clear whether all
or most of these groups were in the villages on August 4 when the vast
majority of abuses apparently took place.
However, five groups that were the key fund-raisers, organizers, and
executors of the attacks were clearly present from the outset of the
operation on August 4: Ahrar al-Sham, Islamic State of Iraq and Sham,
Jabhat al-Nusra, Jaish al-Muhajireen wal-Ansar, and Suquor al-Izz.
Through the on-site investigation, witness statements, videos and
photographs, and a review of hospital records, Human Rights Watch
determined that opposition forces unlawfully killed at least 67 of the
190 dead civilians who were identified. For the rest of those killed,
further investigation is required to determine the circumstances of
their deaths and whether the victims died as a result of unlawful
The high civilian death toll, the nature of the recorded wounds
and the presence of 43 women, children, and elderly among the dead
together indicate that opposition forces either intentionally or
indiscriminately killed most of the remaining victims.
The scale and pattern of the serious abuses carried out by opposition
groups during the operation indicate that they were systematic and
planned as part of an attack on a civilian population.
In some cases, opposition fighters
executed or gunned down entire families. In other cases, surviving
family members had to leave loved ones behind. One resident of the
hamlet between Blouta and al-Hamboushieh described fleeing his home
with his mother as opposition fighters entered his neighborhood, and
having to leave his elderly father and blind aunt behind because of
their physical infirmities. He said that when he returned to the
neighborhood after the government retook the area, he found that his
father and aunt had been killed:
CIA ramping up covert training program for Syrian rebels
(Greg Miller, Washington Post 10/02/13)
the below excerpt combines the above story with an opinion piece by Tyler Durden
My mom was here in the house with me. She came out of the house first,
and I was behind her. We saw the three fighters just in front of us,
and then we fled on foot down behind the house and into the valley. The
three fighters that I saw were all dressed in black. They were shooting
at us from two different directions. They had machine guns and were
using snipers. My older brother came down and hid with us as well. We
hid, but my dad stayed in the house. He was killed in his bed. My aunt,
she is an 80-year-old blind woman, was also killed in her room. Her
name is Nassiba.
Fourteen residents and first responders, interviewed separately, told
Human Rights Watch that they witnessed executions or saw bodies that
bore signs of execution, including some corpses that were bound and
others that had been decapitated.
According to opposition sources, including an opposition military
officer from Latakia involved in negotiations, the Islamic State of
Iraq and Sham and Jaish al-Muhajireen wal-Ansar, are holding over 200
civilians from the Alawite villages as hostages, the vast majority
women and children.
According to Syrian security officials, media reports, Western
diplomats, and observations by journalists and humanitarian workers,
foreign fighters in these groups enter Syria from Turkey, from which
they also smuggle their weapons and obtain money and other supplies,
and to which they retreat for medical treatment.
Public statements by fundraisers and financiers, opposition activists,
and opposition fighters reveal that at least some of the funding for
the Latakia operation came from individuals residing in Kuwait and
other Gulf countries.
The US government is shut down, which means only essential spending is permitted.
So what does the US government, or rather its Central Intelligence
Agency decide to spend precious, mission-critical taxpayer money on?
Why arming the "rebels" in Syria of course.
The Washington Post reports that the CIA is expanding a clandestine
effort to train opposition fighters in Syria amid concern that
moderate, U.S.-backed militias are rapidly losing ground in the
country’s civil war.
The CIA operation was secretly authorized by President Obama in a covert action finding he signed this year.
The CIA effort was described as an urgent bid to bolster moderate
Syrian militias, which have been unable to mount a serious challenge to
Assad or match the growing strength of rival rebel factions that have
hard-line Islamist agendas and, in some cases, ties to the al-Qaeda
The CIA is “ramping up and expanding its effort,” said a U.S. official
familiar with operations in Syria, because “it was clear that the
opposition was losing, and not only losing tactically but on a more
The latest setback came last month, when 11 of the largest armed
factions in Syria, including some backed by the United States,
announced the formation of an alliance with a goal of creating an
Islamic state. The alliance is led by Jabhat al-Nusra, a group that has
sworn allegiance to the al-Qaeda leadership in Pakistan.
Those hard-line factions have drained
momentum and support from moderate rebel groups. The most prominent
Islamist groups, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Jabhat
al-Nusra, include fighters who have extensive experience from the war
in Iraq, have ties to al-Qaeda and have carried out high-profile
strikes against Assad’s government.
Former deputy CIA director Michael J. Morell said in a recent CBS
interview that the most effective organizations on the battlefield in
Syria are the Islamist factions. “And because they’re so good at
fighting the Syrians, some of the moderate members of the opposition
joined forces with them,” he said.
Islamist factions have lured fighters away with offers of better pay,
equipment and results. A spokesman for the ISIS said the group had
added 2,000 Syrian recruits and 1,500 foreign fighters over the past
“More and more Muslims in Syria and outside are realizing that we are
the only true force able and willing to defend the Syrian people
against this monstrous regime without any Western agenda,” said the
spokesman, Mohammed al-Libi.
Recruiting efforts by militias working with the CIA have sagged, officials said.
Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) bar Israelis
U.S. officials said the classified program has been constrained by
limits on CIA resources, the reluctance of rebel fighters to leave
Syria for U.S. instruction and Jordan’s restrictions on the CIA’s
paramilitary presence there.
There is also the legal issue known as the Leahy Law that requires a
determination that no recipients of U.S. military assistance had
committed human rights abuses.
CIA veterans expressed skepticism that the training and weapons deliveries will have any meaningful effect.
The program is aimed at shoring up the fighting power of units aligned
with the Supreme Military Council, an umbrella organization led by a
former Syrian general that is the main recipient of U.S. support.
The training is led by small teams of operatives from the CIA’s Special
Activities Division, a paramilitary branch that relies heavily on
contractors and former members of U.S. Special Operations forces.
Some have questioned the wisdom of expanding the CIA’s mission at a
time when many think the agency has become too paramilitary in focus
and should return to its traditional intelligence-¬gathering role.
Officials said the main CIA training effort does not involve
instruction on using high-powered weapons such as rockets and antitank
munitions, which are being supplied by countries such as Qatar and
And where do Qatar and Saudi Arabia get their weapons from?
“What happens when some of the people we trained torture a prisoner?”
said a former senior U.S. intelligence official familiar with agency
operations in the Middle East. Even if the CIA can produce records to
defend its training program, “we’re going to face congressional
hearings,” the former official said. “There is no win here.”
from joining Palestinian protest against settler concert
(Mairav Zonszein, 972 mag.com, 9/26/13)
Israeli singer Ehud Banai
gave a concert
Monday night to an exclusively Jewish crowd in the settlement of Susya
in the south Hebron Hills, after initially canceling the gig due to
left-wing protests. Banai stated that he decided to go ahead with the
concert because doing otherwise only “fanned the flames of hatred,” and
because he is committed to “bring people together.”
Nasser Nawajaah, a resident of Palestinian Susya whose family was
kicked out of where the settlement now stands in 1986, wrote an open letter
to Ehud Banai, explaining the significance of his decision to
perform on the ruins of Nawajaah’s native home, for an audience that
includes those responsible for uprooting Palestinian trees,
Palestinian wells, assaulting Palestinian shepherds
The Palestinian local council in Susya,
as well as the popular committees in the West Bank decided to hold a
protest during the concert, inviting Israeli activists to join them.
According to Guy, an Israeli Ta’ayush activist who frequents the south
Hebron Hills, a minivan of 15 Israelis left Jerusalem Monday evening
for the village. But due to the efforts of the IDF, a drive that
usually takes less than an hour took them 2.5 hours.
According to Guy, the people on the bus noticed a car following them
from the moment they set out from Jerusalem, and were stopped several
times along the way by IDF soldiers who appeared to be waiting for them
with a makeshift checkpoint. At one point, they were held for an hour
near the settlement of Kiryat Arba. The officer told them they were
heading to the concert to make trouble, and were endangering themselves
with the settlers. They told the officer that they had no plan of going
into the concert, but were going to protest from “the Palestinian
side.” The officer then demanded to see the signs they brought with
them to make sure there were no incendiary slogans, and later stopped
them again with a bogus military order that claimed they weren’t
allowed to be there.
Out of the 15 Israelis, only seven who got out of the van and walked
quickly through other villages made it to the protest, where about 100
Palestinians were peacefully protesting the concert. The other eight
were turned back by the IDF and held for a while before heading back to
Palestinian civilians sit near the debris of their homes in Makhoul area in the northern Jordan Vally,
(contained within story at
) shows the ordeal. It is yet another document of the
way in which the IDF acts as an occupation police force by restricting
freedom of movement, protest and speech of anyone who wishes to voice
opposition to government policy.
adds: Ehud Banai at first decided to cancel the
concert due to public outcry but he eventually decided to go ahead.
Before the initial decision to cancel the concert was made, a post on Banai's Facebook
page read: "Ehud Banai's opinions against the
occupation in particular, and against wrongdoings in Israeli society in
general, are known to all and are expressed in his songs as well as
various media platforms. Yet, Ehud hassaid more than once that he does not boycott concerts beyond the Green
Line, despite his disagreement with the settlements. Instead of boycott
and ostracism, he is looking for dialogue precisely in a place where
there is controversy. The concert in Susya is not in any way a show of
support or encouragement for acts that cause injustice."
For additional original analysis and breaking news, visit +972
Magazine's Facebook page or follow us on Twitter. Our newsletter
features a comprehensive round-up of the week's events. Sign up here.
where Israeli forces destroyed several houses rendering 48 Palestinians, including 17 children, homeless
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR)
Weekly Report on Israeli Human Rights Violations
in the Occupied PalestinianTerritory (oPT)
(September 12-18, 2013)
The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR)
is a Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) based in Gaza City. The
Centre is dedicated to protecting human rights, promoting the rule of
law and upholding democratic principles in the Occupied Palestinian
Territory (OPT). It holds Special Consultative Status with the
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the United Nations. PCHR is the
recipient of various awards including the 1996 French Republic Award on
Human Rights and the 2009 Human Rights Prize of Andalucia. The
Centre was established in 1995 by a group of Palestinian lawyers and
human rights activists.
(Hit the above live link for full report which provides day by day details with excellent documentation.)
Israeli forces continue systematic attacks against Palestinian
civilians and property in the Occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).
Israeli forces conducted 42 incursions into Palestinian communities in
the West Bank and 4 limited ones in the Gaza Strip during the reporting
At least 41 Palestinian civilians, including 9 children, were arrested in the West Bank.
On 17 September 2013, Israeli occupation
forces killed a Palestinian civilian Islam Hussam al-Tubasi (20) and
wounded 4 others, including 3 children, in Jenin refugee camp in the
northern West Bank. Al-Tubasi was wounded by 2 bullets to the abdomen
when Israeli forces raided his bedroom. They took him out of the house
bleeding and fired at his legs again in front of the building.
During this attack, a number of young men gathered and threw stones at
Israeli military vehicles. In response, Israeli soldiers fired
rubber-coated metal bullets and sound bombs. As a result, 4 civilians,
including 3 children were wounded.
Israeli forces wounded 8 others during incursions in different areas in
the West Bank. Moreover, 3 women, including 2 sisters and their aunt,
one of whom is disabled, sustained bruises when Israeli forces attacked
them during an Israeli incursion into Kherbet Safa to the south of Beit
Ummar, north of Hebron.
During the September 12-18 reporting period, Israeli forces continued
the systematic use of excessive force against peaceful protests
organised by Palestinian, Israeli and international activists against
the construction of the annexation wall and settlement activities in
the West Bank. As a result, 3 civilians, including a
photojournalist, were wounded. Furthermore, dozens suffered tear gas
inhalation and others sustained bruises.
Israeli navy forces continued to target Palestinian fishermen in the sea.
On Wednesday, 18 September 2013, a Palestinian fisherman was injured
and consequently one of his fingers was amputated when Israeli naval
troops opened fire at a Palestinian fishing boat on which 5
fishermen were sailing nearly 6 nautical miles off Gaza Harbor.
The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) condemns the
continuation of Israeli forces’ attacks against Palestinian fishermen
in the Gaza Strip and expresses deep concern over violations of
fishermens' right to work freely in Gaza sea.
Israel has continued its settlement
activities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, a direct violation of
international humanitarian law, and Israeli settlers have continued to
attack Palestinian civilians and property.
On Sunday morning, 15 September 2013, a group of settlers from
"Yitzhar" settlement that is established on lands of Madamad village,
south of Nablus, set fire to an under construction house belonging to
Ra'ed Jadallah Nassar. The 120-square-meter house is located in the
northern mountain area.
On Monday, 16 September 2013, settlers from "Eliezer" and "Daniel"
settlements that are established on lands of al-Khader village, south
of al-Kahder village, south of Bethlehem, moved into Zaqandah area,
south of the village. They damaged the main gate of a potable
water well in a land belonging to Taha Ahmed Salah (55). They swam in
the well and polluted the water. Moreover, they performed Talmudic
rituals there. Ahmed Salah, coordinator of the popular committee
against settlement activities, said to a PCHR fieldworker that settlers
walked through lands and
performed their rituals under the trees.
On 16 September 2013, Israeli forces backed with 10 military vehicles
and 3 bulldozers stormed Makhoul area to the north of Tubas town in the
northern Jordan Valley. They immediately started demolishing a
Palestinian residential community where 10 Palestinian families of
farmers and shepherds, comprised of 48 individuals, including 17
children, live. In this operation, Israeli forces demolished 12
tents and tin-made houses, a number of subordinate kitchens and
mobile bathrooms and 28 barnyards.
Maaloula is one of the earliestcentres of Christianity in the world
Al-Qaida-Linked Syrian Rebels
On Tuesday, 17 September 2013, Israeli forces forced dozens of
Palestinian families in al-Burj and al-Maytah area who live in tents in
the northern Jordan Valley to evacuate the area under the pretext of
military training. It should be noted that Israeli forces had
notified those families on 10 September 2013 to evacuate the area under
the pretext of military training.
Israel continued to impose a tightened closure of the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, imposing severe restrictions on the movement of
Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including
thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip who continue to be denied access to Jerusalem.
The illegal closure of the Gaza Strip, which has steadily tightened
since June 2007, has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and
economic situation in the Gaza Strip. The Israeli authorities
impose measures to undermine the freedom of trade, including the basic
needs for the Gaza Strip population and the agricultural and industrial
products to be exported.
The Israeli authorities established Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum) as
the sole crossing for imports and exports in order to exercise its
control over the Gaza Strip’s economy. They also aim at imposing a
complete ban on the Gaza Strip’s exports.
For 7 consecutive years, Israel has tightened the land and naval
closure to isolate the Gaza Strip from the West Bank, including
occupied Jerusalem, and other countries around the world. This has
resulted in a grave violation of the economic, social and cultural
rights and a deterioration of living conditions for 1.7 million people.
As part of using military checkpoints and border crossings as traps to
arrest Palestinian civilians under the pretext they are wanted, Israeli
forces arrested at least 6 civilians, including 3 children.
The full report is available here
The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR)
releases a report on Israeli human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian Territory (oPT) every week on its website.
Attack Ancient Christian Village of Maaloula Where Aramaic,
the Original Language of Jesus is Still Spoken
Click on the following links
for Sept 4-6 coverage of story:
Huffington Post (AP)
Al-Qaida-linked rebels from the Jabhat
al-Nusra group have withdrawn from the ancient Christian village of
Maaloula, after launching an attack. The rebels commandeered a
mountaintop hotel and nearby caves and shelled the community below,
said a nun, speaking by phone from
a convent in the village. She spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.
The nun said the rebels had taken over the Safir hotel atop a mountain overlooking the village and were shelling from there.
Maaloula is tucked into the honey-coloured cliffs of a mountain range
north of Damascus and is on a "tentative" list of applicants for UNESCO
world heritage status. It is associated with the earliest days of
Christianity and is one of only three places in the world where
Aramaic, a dialect of the language spoken by Christ, is still
used. The village was a major tourist attraction before the civil
war. It is suffering from the lack of pilgrims and tourists
who are normally vital to its economy.
The inhabitants are mostly Melkite Greek
Catholic and Orthodox Christians, but have historically lived
peacefully alongside a Sunni Muslim minority.
The fighting in Maaloula began early Wednesday when Jabhat al-Nusra
fighters stormed in after a suicide bomber struck an army checkpoint
guarding the entrance.
"They entered the main square and smashed a statue of the Virgin Mary,"
said one resident of the area, speaking by phone and too frightened to
give his name. "They shelled us from the nearby mountain. Two shells
hit the St. Thecla convent."
Video footage posted on YouTube showed rebel fighters on a pick up
truck with an anti-aircraft gun mounted on the back firing erratically
from inside the mountain town.
The video appeared authentic and matched Associated Press reporting on the fighting.
Heavy fighting around the village continued throughout Thursday (Sept 5), and heavy artillery echoed in the village.
"The stones are shaking," said a nun at the Mar Takla monastery. "We
don't know if the rebels have left or not, nobody dares go out."
Frightened residents expected the rebels to return to the Safir hotel, she said, adding: "It's their home now."
In Syria, it's a case of all or nothing
(Patrick Cockburn, Independent UK, 9/5/13)
World View: History teaches us that limited Western intervention
The nun said about 100 people from the village took refuge in the St.
Takla convent that she helps run. The 27 orphans who live there had
been taken to nearby caves overnight "so they were not scared," she
Maaloula had been firmly under the regime's grip, despite sitting in the middle
of rebel-held territory east and north of the capital.
The fighting highlighted the delicate position of Syria's Christian
minority who fear the growing role of extremists fighting in the civil
war to topple President Bashar Assad's regime and believe an
alternative to Assad's regime will not tolerate minority religions.
Many fear that if the secular government is overthrown they will be
targeted by Sunni jihadist rebels calling for the establishment of an
Islamic state and that Christian communities will be destroyed, as many
were in Iraq after the US-led invasion in 2003.
The nun who spoke to AP said there were reports that the militants
threatened villagers with death if they did not convert. The report
could not be independently confirmed.
Christians, who make up approximately 10 per cent of Syria's
population, have increasingly become targets in the conflict as
sectarian-minded foreign jihadists gain influence in among the rebel
Such fears have allowed Assad to retain the support of large sections
among Syria's minorities, which includes Christians, Alawites, Druze
and ethnic Kurds, throughout the 2 1/2 year civil war. Most of the
rebels and their supporters are Sunni Muslims.
can only inflame this complex war and will do nothing to bring peace
The discredited justifications that
preceded the invasion of Iraq still dominate British and American
perception of military intervention in Syria. In a similar way in the
1930s, popular revulsion at the lies and exaggerations of First World
War propaganda meant that the first accounts of Nazi atrocities were
treated with scepticism.
Unsurprisingly, people who feel they
were swindled into war 10 years ago by bloodcurdling accounts of Saddam
Hussein's non-existent weapons of mass destruction are dubious about
their government's claim that President Bashar al-Assad's army used
poison gas on a mass scale on 21 August. All the questions that should
have been asked in 2003 about Iraq are being asked about Syria
Unlike Iraq, it is known that the Syrian army has large supplies of
chemical weapons such as sarin and that a mass attack took place. A
hundred videos show the dead and dying. Doctors diagnosed the symptoms
of gas poisoning. It is highly unlikely that the opposition had enough
chemical weapons to simulate a government attack in order to provoke
Of course, the use of poison gas was always likely to provoke the
United States into action, something Damascus has been desperate to
avoid for two years. But this does not mean they did not do it.
Stupidity and miscalculation have shaped many wars.
What is curious about the past week is the extent to which so many,
especially the media and the British Government, misjudged the
continuing rawness of the wounds inflicted by the Iraq war. I was in
Baghdad for much of the conflict but I was always struck on returning
to Britain by the lasting sense of outrage over the decision to go to
war expressed even by the most conservative and non-political. As with
the Munich Agreement in 1938, it has entered a deep layer of British
historic memory, perhaps because people feel they were not only misled
but lied to by their own government.
The parliamentary vote and opinion polls show that British governments
have exhausted whatever capital of public trust they possessed when it
comes to military ventures in the Middle East.
Given the way the deceptions and failures of the Iraq war still
resonate, no wonder David Cameron denies that military intervention in
Syria today has anything in common with what happened in 2003. But the
two countries are alike in their political make-up, with deep sectarian
and ethnic divisions giving political convulsions an extra edge of fear
and hate. Both were or are ruled by a single extended family or clan
monopolising authority in a police state in which power is exercised
through the intelligence and security services. They are tough nuts to
In one crucial respect Assad is in a
stronger position than Slobodan Milosovic in Serbia, Saddam Hussein in
Iraq or Muammar Gaddafi in Libya. These three leaders were
internationally isolated, while Assad has powerful and committed
foreign allies. Russia is standing firmly by Assad.as it reasserts its
status as a great power after 20 years of retreats and humiliations
that culminated in the Libyan war of 2011. It feels it was
double-crossed then into agreeing to humanitarian military intervention
by Nato which swiftly became a campaign to overthrow Gaddafi.
Even more committed to the Syrian regime's survival are Iran and the
Shia paramilitary movement Hezbollah in Lebanon. Both are highly
conscious that the attempt to overthrow their long-term ally in
Damascus is aimed at weakening them, and they are determined to repulse
the threat. It makes sense for them to want to fight while Assad is
still in power and not wait until he has been displaced by a hostile
One important aspect of the Syrian conflict as it affects the US and
Britain is lethally similar to the Iraq war. In each case any outsider
intervening becomes involved in several inter-related but separate
So much of what US and British leaders or commentators say about Syria
sounds phoney or unrealistic because they focus on only one of the four
or five conflicts going on in the country as a reason for intervening.
The struggle most often picked as a respectable motive for backing the
rebels is the popular revolt against the brutal Syrian police state
which started in March 2011. But this uprising swiftly became a
sectarian war with the Sunni Arab majority pitted against the ruling
Alawite Shia sect and other minorities, such as the Christians and
If the Syrian political and military battlefield sounds very complex,
it is; and it's getting worse. A savage ethnic war exploded in
north-east Syria last month with the al-Qa'ida-linked al-Nusra Front
and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant driving 50,000 Syrian
Kurds into Iraq.
Matthew Schrier described his abduction in Aleppo on Dec. 31 by fighters with the Nusra Front,
US and British leaders selling military
intervention in Iraq and Syria seldom explained and often did not
understand this mesh of conflicts. But these contradictory alliances
determine the political map of the region and the reality of foreign
involvement in it.
It is easy, for instance, to advocate arming and protecting Syrian
villagers whose children are being incinerated by napalm dropped by
government aircraft. But what if those best able to help those
villagers are the veteran jihadi fighters of the Islamic State of Iraq
and the Levant, who have just chopped off the heads of Alawite
prisoners and shot dead a teenager selling coffee for blasphemy?
For all the disclaimers, US forces attacking the government in Damascus are in de facto alliance with al-Qa'ida.
Likewise in Iraq 10 years ago, the US and Britain were pretending to be
fighting for democracy and against the remnants of Saddam's regime. The
reality was that in 2003-06 they had imposed an old-style imperial
regime and had become participants in a cruel Sunni-Shia civil waron
the Shia side.
What can be done to end the appalling and ever-growing miseries of the
23 million Syrian people? The answer is to make either war or peace
effectively. Limited missile strikes on Syrian military bases are not
going to compel President Assad to negotiate his own departure from
power. The only military action that might do this is a full-scale
assault including a no-fly zone and a no-drive zone. And thus
fighting a full-scale war with the likelihood that Russia, Iran and
Hezbollah will increase their support for Assad.
Limited intervention means that the stalemate will continue. One of the
best chances for peace – the day of mutual exhaustion and realisation
that nobody is going to win on the battlefield – is postponed.
If all-out war is not feasible, could peace come by negotiation?
to read on and access full article.
which is aligned with Al Qaeda.
American Tells of Odyssey as Prisoner of Nusra Front,
Syrian Rebel Group
(C.J. Chivers, N.Y. Times 8/22/13)
Matthew Schrier was helpless. An
American photographer held in a rebel-controlled prison in the Syrian
city of Aleppo, he and a fellow prisoner had been caught trying to
gouge a hole in their cell’s wooden door. The captors took his
cellmate, he said, beat him, and brought him back with blood-streaked
ankles and feet.
Now was Mr. Schrier’s turn.
Wearing masks, his jailers led him out, sat him down and forced a car
tire over his knees. They slid a wooden rod behind his legs, locking
the tire in place. Then they rolled him over. Mr. Schrier was face down
on a basement floor, he said, legs immobilized, bare feet facing up.
“Give him 115,” one of his captors said in English, as they began whipping his feet with a metal cable.
When the torture ended Mr. Schrier could not walk. His captors, he said, dragged him to his cell.
He remembers their parting phrase: “Have you heard of Guantánamo Bay?”
For seven months, Mr. Schrier, 35, was a prisoner in Syria of jihadi fighters opposed to President Bashar al-Assad. Held in
bases and prisons run by two Islamist rebel groups, he said, he was
robbed, beaten and accused of being an American spy by men who then
assumed his identity online.
His captors drained one of his bank accounts. They shopped in his name
on eBay. They sent messages from his e-mail account to his mother and
his best friend assuring them he was fine, but
had extended his trip to do more work.
“I’m doing good man,” read an e-mail to the friend on Feb. 2. “I have
access to Internet for like 5 minutes or so, and I will not be able to
log in my e-mail for at least the next few weeks.”
Mr. Schrier escaped on July 29, he said, by squeezing out of a basement
window and wandering, in shoes too small and with the long beard he had
grown in captivity, through Aleppo until he found other rebels.
These men protected him and drove him the next day to Turkish
authorities at the border. American diplomats soon whisked Mr. Schrier
Now in the United States, Mr. Schrier has returned with a firsthand
account of the descent by elements of the anti-Assad forces into
sanctimonious hatred and crime. His experience reflects the sharply
deteriorated climate for foreigners and moderate Syrians in areas
subject to the whims of armed religious groups whose members roam
roads, staff checkpoints and occupy a constellation
of guerrilla bases.
Mr. Schrier’s detention is one of more
than 15 cases of Westerners, mostly journalists, being abducted or
disappearing in Syria this year. The victims range from seasoned
new freelancers, like Mr. Schrier, who was covering his first war.
Some were abducted in 2012, others a few weeks ago. Many are thought to
be held by two Al Qaeda-aligned groups. At least one is believed to be
a captive of Mr. Assad’s intelligence services.
For many cases there are few leads. The victims have vanished — a pattern that makes Mr. Schrier’s account exceptional and rare.
His experience also suggests the difficult choices for foreign
governments that in principle support the rebels’ goal of overthrowing
a dictatorship accused of using chemical weapons against civilians,
but in practice fear aiding opposition factions that embrace terrorist
tactics, intolerant religious rule or the same behaviors — abduction,
torture, extralegal detention — that have characterized the Assad
Mr. Schrier said his captors were mostly members of the Nusra Front, a
group aligned with Al Qaeda and designated a terrorist organization by
the United Nations and the United States.
But as he was moved from prison to
prison, he said, he and his main cellmate, another American, were also
held by a unit of Ahrar al-Sham, an Islamist group that works closely
with the Free Syrian Army, a rebel umbrella group recognized by Western
and Arab governments.
Their captors neither publicly acknowledged holding them nor issued any
demands. Their abductions were also not disclosed by their families or
the American government.
At his family’s request, The New York Times is withholding identifying
details of the other American prisoner, who did not escape and whose
whereabouts and condition are unknown.
When he set out for Syria last year, Mr. Schrier
was new to war photography. Born in Syosset, N.Y., he had attended film
school at Hofstra, but found no job in his field and opted to work for
nearly a decade in the health care industry, negotiating rates and
The travel and artistry in photography appealed to him, as did the chance at a fresh start.
His plunge into the story was swift. He traveled in November from New
York to Turkey and Jordan, where he photographed convalescing rebels
and ventured across the border to an encampment of displaced Syrian
After an activist offered to take him to
Aleppo, Mr. Schrier returned in December and was brought to a small
rebel group fighting in a neighborhood and at the siege of an Air Force
Mr. Schrier spent 18 days in Syria. His photographs were strong, he said. He was eager to return to Turkey and publish them.
But there was a complication. His expected driver did not arrive. After
waiting for more than a day, his hosts arranged a taxi with a driver
they said he could trust.
Their ride out began at midday on Dec. 31. As they left Aleppo, rebels
halted the taxi at the Sheikh Najjar industrial area, through which
journalists frequently passed.
They forbade the taxi from crossing. The driver tried a route through Muslimiyah, and was passing
a recently captured military school, Mr. Schrier said, when a silver Jeep Cherokee forced the taxi
At least three men stepped out. One wore a black scarf over his face.
They escorted Mr. Schrier out. “They were so nonchalant,” he said. “They didn’t point a gun at me, and moved me very gently.”
Mr. Schrier said he expected that they would look at his photographs,
confirm his work and release him. They directed him to the back seat of
their S.U.V., pulled his knit cap over his eyes, leaned him forward and
pressed a rifle muzzle to his head.
His captivity had begun.
Back in New York. Mr. Schrier’s mother, Lois, had grown deeply worried
over her son’s silence. On Jan. 31 she reported him missing to the
The same day, Mr. Schrier’s interrogations resumed. He was brought
before three young men in masks who spoke perfect English, and who he
suspected were Canadian.
They asked Mr. Schrier if he had ever served in the military and
demanded his Social Security number, credit card information, e-mail
and Facebook passwords and the PIN for his personal bank account.
They returned two days later with a laptop and said the passwords had not worked. They ordered him to log in.
His captors soon were pretending to be
Mr. Schrier online. They e-mailed his best friend and used his eBay
account to purchase laptop and tablet computers, camera equipment and
Attorney General Without Justice
promoting 'jurisprudence without justice' that violates the rights of
Palestinians in the service of Jewish settlements.
On Feb. 2, Mr. Schrier’s mother wrote him a five-word e-mail: “Matt, I WILL FIND YOU!”
His lot was growing bleaker. His jailers discovered gouges on the cell
door on Feb. 6. They tortured the two Americans as punishment and
afterward beat him intermittently, he said. Sometimes they zapped him
with a Taser.
His captors replied to his mother on Feb. 10. “Hi mom, sorry for not
giving news before,” the e-mail read. “I’m working a lot here and
having a lot of fun, think I’ll stay here for a while.”
They were transferred to cells in two other bases, also run by Mohammad
and the Nusra jailers. In mid-July, the jailers removed the Moroccan
and later a dentist they had detained, leaving the Americans alone.
This allowed a fresh opportunity to try to escape. Their cell was in a basement; the mesh and
welding on one window was damaged and had been only partially repaired.
Mr. Schrier said he stood on his cellmate’s back and unraveled wires,
opening a hole. He pushed both arms out and followed with
He passed through. He said he reached in, pulled his cellmate up. The
man had a slightly heavier build than Mr. Schrier. He led with one arm,
then his head, and stopped.
He was stuck. He slid back and tried leading with two hands. He was stuck again.
The street was silent, Mr. Schrier said. A light shone in their jailers’ first-floor office, directly above their cell.
His cellmate dropped back into the basement. Mr. Schrier said, “I’ll get help.”
His cellmate looked up, Mr. Schrier said, and told him, “All right, go.”
With disappointing disregard for his
role as protector of the rule of law, Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein
has approved using the Absentee Property Law in East Jerusalem – a
decision that enables the expropriation of property in the city from
Palestinian residents of the territories. Applying the Absentee
Property Law to East Jerusalem is part of an effort to Judaize
Palestinian neighborhoods and create an artificial separation between
the West Bank and Jerusalem, and especially between them and the
Palestinians who live in these areas. This effort has found expression
in other ways as well, first and foremost the separation barrier.
The law, which was problematic from the
start, was applied after the War of Independence with the goal of
enabling the state to appropriate the property of Palestinians who were
living outside the state’s borders, mainly in refugee camps, without
any possibility of entering Israel. The attempt to apply it again
following the Six-Day War, after some of the territory conquered in
that war was annexed to Jerusalem, took place under completely
different circumstances. The owners of these assets became “absentees”
despite the fact that they never left their place of residence, and
even though they lived outside the annexed territory, they still had
access to their property. The attorney general at that time, Meir
Shamgar, therefore ordered that the law not be exercised, on the
grounds that applying it under these new circumstances would constitute
unjustified eviction and violation of property rights.
Iranian president Hassan Rohani at his first official press conference, this week.
In a 2006 ruling, Judge Boaz Okon termed the attempt to apply this law
“a legal trick not backed by any reality” and “a type of jurisprudence
without justice.” Supreme Court President Asher Grunis once asked why
the law shouldn’t also be applied to property inside Israel owned by
settlers, since they too live outside the state’s borders. Former
Attorney General Menachem Mazuz also ordered that the law not be
exercised. In addition, applying this law in territory that Israel
annexed unilaterally after seizing it during wartime would violate
international law, despite the fact that Israel has applied its laws to
In contrast to his predecessor, who was scrupulous about upholding the
rule of law, human rights and the public interest, Weinstein is
promoting “jurisprudence without justice” that violates the rights of
Palestinians in the service of Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem
that have taken over the property of these present “absentees.” He
would do better to shelve this procedure, follow in the footsteps of
his predecessor and refuse to apply the law.
Sweet talk and moderate declarations. Photo by AFP
Netanyahu concerned as ever about Iran,
but world powers will not allow strike in coming year
atmosphere created by Rohani's election leaves the international
community with zero tolerance for an Israeli attack - at least until
talks between Tehran and major world powers end.
(Amos Harel, Haaretz, 8/10/13)
Will Iran Get a Bomb-or Be Bombed itself-This Year?
(Graham Allison, the Atlantic, 8/01/13)
Top 10 Reasons Americans should Dismiss
Israel's Netanyahu on Attacking Iran
(Juan Cole, juancole.com 7/23/13)
excerpt combines Haaretz and Juan Cole articles:
This past Wednesday Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu warned that, despite the victory by Hassan Rohani in
the Iranian presidential election in June, Tehran is accelerating
progress toward nuclear weapons capability. According to Netanyahu,
Rohani − who is considered a relative moderate in the West − wants to
exploit a resumption of Tehran’s talks with the big powers to gain
time, even as his country continues with the nuclear project. Only an
explicit military threat will stop the Iranians, said Netanyahu, whose
remarks coincided with a series of recent leaks about that project.
New centrifuges, which enrich uranium quickly, were installed at the
Fordow site and could allow the Iranians to take the world by surprise
by producing the quantity of high-grade uranium needed for a bomb,
without foreign intelligence agencies noticing this development in
time. (Netanyahu himself referred to this explicitly for the first
time this week.) At the same time, Tehran is stepping up work on an
alternative option − plutonium production − which, according to The
Wall Street Journal, could allow the country to achieve full military
nuclear capability by next summer.
Netanyahu’s concern is obvious. He believes that Iran’s spiritual
leader, Ali Khamenei, is using the new president to set a honey trap
for the West. Rohani’s sweet talk and moderate declarations will
convince the Europeans and Americans that he is amenable to a
In practice, however, it is likely that
the talks between the sides will drag on, while Iran continues to move
ahead, and at the end of the process Tehran will present the world with
a fait accompli: either the achievement of nuclear capability and a
declaration to that effect, or being so close to that threshold that no
one will dare threaten the country.
However, in contrast to the past three autumns, this time it is
probably wrong to interpret Netanyahu’s statements as an explicit
military threat per se.
The atmosphere that was created after Rohani’s victory leaves zero
tolerance in the international community for an Israeli attack, at
least until the conclusion of the planned year-end talks between Tehran
and the big powers. The timetable for an attack would thus be deferred
until next spring, when the weather in the skies over Iran’s nuclear
writes in his Top 10 Reasons Americans should Dismiss Israel's Netanyuahu on Attacking Iran
the Iranian electorate did about the most cruel thing possible to
uber-hawk Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. It replaced former
Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad with an eminently reasonable and
personable successor, Hasan Rouhani. Israeli and American politicians
made hay with Ahmadinejad’s quirkiness and foot in the mouth disease.
They also deliberately mistranslated him to make him seem menacing,
even as he kept saying Iran would never launch a first strike.
Below are a few of the reasons cited by Cole not to pay attention to the recent round of saber-rattling by Netanyahu:
An aerial view shows as far as the eye can see the Zaatari refugee camp where
115,000 -160,000 (estimates vary) Syrians call Zaatari home.
Now it is Jordan's fourth largest city. And nobody wants to live there.
(Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images)
The Syrians who prefer war-torn home to Zaatari refugee camp
(click for video)
(Guardian UK, 7/25/13)
Life in Zaatari
(Jordan's vast camp for Syrian refugees)
(Lyse Doucet, BBC 7/29/13)
Enormity of Syria's Refugee Crisis Seen at Zaatari Refugee Camp
(Eline Gordts, Huffington Post, 7/18/13)
1. Everyone knows that the real reason Netanyahu keeps squawking about Iran is that he is trying to take the focus off the Israel campaign of ethnic cleansing
and Apartheid policies toward the Palestinians
living under Israeli occupation. Likewise, Netanyahu takes attention off of Israel’s own 400 nuclear warheads.
2. Everyone in the international community agrees that the new
president of Iran will have to be given at least a year, and maybe
more, to prove he is an earnest negotiator for Iran. The European
powers and the countries of the global South would never accept it.
3. President Rouhani is proposing increased transparency for its civilian nuclear program
, so as to ease Western fears.
4. Contrary to what Netanyahu says, Iran does not have an intercontinental ballistic missile capable of hitting the United States
, and the country is highly unlikely to have one any time soon.
5. The International Atomic Energy Agency does inspections of Iran’s enrichment facilities and according to its most recent report
“the Agency continues to verify the non-diversion of declared material
at these facilities” That is, the IAEA has visited the sites where Iran
does enrichment work, and its inspectors can testify that the enriched
uranium is under seal, is all accounted for, and none has been diverted
to weapons purposes. The IAEA has other complaints, especially that
Iran won’t go beyond its obligations in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty of the 1960s.
6. Iran’s nuclear enrichment program is based on running thousands
centrifuges, which don’t all have to be in the same place. An Israeli
air strike couldn’t possibly destroy all or most of them, and would
only set the Iranian program back a little.
A year ago, it was forbidding desert terrain dotted with empty tents whipped by a scorching wind.
"No-one would want to live here," the UN's Andrew Harper admitted
bluntly when Jordan's first official Syrian refugee camp called Zaatari
Now it is Jordan's fourth largest city and the world's second-largest refugee camp. .
And nobody wants to live there.
Few expected Syria's war to drag on so long, cause so much suffering,
cost so many lives. The death toll is now 100,000 and counting.
According to the U.N., the war in Syria is the worst humanitarian crisis since the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
Refugees continue to pour over the Syrian border into neighbouring
countries, but despite losing homes and relatives in the conflict, many
would prefer to return to a perilous future in Syria rather than stay
at Jordan's Zaatari refugee camp, where infectious diseases, a lack of
security and soaring desert temperatures make life unbearable.
Up to 3000 refugees attempt to return to Syria each day. But with only 4 buses there is only space for 200 refugees.
Living on the frontline: Ebtahaj Najib, 58, looks over three of her grandchildren.
They share their three-room apartment with eight relatives.
Photograph: Tanya Habjouqa
The New Jerusalem
(Harriet Sherwood, Guradian UK 7/27/13)
the Holy City, Jews are buying up Arab properties, aiming to 'reclaim'
its ancient Muslim Quarter. Harriet Sherwood meets one family
determined not to be moved
A few weeks ago in Zaatari, BBC's Lyse Doucet saw long queues of
families waiting in the baking heat, hoping to find seats on buses to
take them back across the nearby Syrian border in the dark of night.
The demand for transport is now outstripping the supply.
But many more have no choice but to stay. Their homes in Syria are
destroyed, their neighbourhoods too dangerous, after more than two
years of a worsening war.
Most are almost completely dependent on assistance. The arithmetic of
this aid is staggering. The UN's World Food Programme, along with Save
the Children, now distributes half a million portions of bread every
day along with other rations.
And, like any fast-growing city, Zaatari has its security concerns including criminal gangs and local vendettas.
For many, their refuge has troubling echoes of the exodus of
Palestinian refugees in the 1948 and 1967 wars. Palestinians also said
then that they weren't here for long.
This latest influx is also putting significant strain on all of Syria's
neighbours: Turkey, Iraq, and Lebanon in addition to Jordan, who
have taken in about 1.8 million refugees.
The UN says 6,000 more cross one border or another every day.
Jordanians, with their own financial woes, worry about rising prices
and pressure on schools and jobs, from the estimated 400,000 displaced
Syrians who live outside the Zaatari camp.
Nobody wanted to live in Zaatari. And now nobody can say, with any
certainty, how long they will stay, and how many more will come.
The Najibs fear that they and others like them are fighting a battle that may already be lost.
The setting for this battle is the historic Old City: a small walled
enclave of less than one square kilometre within the sprawling city
that is Jerusalem, divided into loose quarters for Muslims, Jews,
Christians and Armenians. It is the heart of the decades-old
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the centre for the world's three great
monotheistic religions, and a magnet for pilgrims and tourists from all
over the world.
But away from the souvenir shops a religious and nationalistic
struggle is ratcheting up tensions. Palestinians say a programme of
"Judaisation" of the Old City is accelerating; ideologically driven and
biblically inspired Jewish settlers insist they are simply redeeming
land gifted to them by God.
Around 1,000 Jewish settlers now live
among 31,000 Palestinians in the Muslim Quarter of the Old City, taking
over homes that have been inhabited by Muslim families for decades or
even centuries, and flying Israeli flags from the walls and rooftops of
their properties. They are the frontline fighters in a broader battle –
backed by the Israeli government, city authorities and security
services – to ensure Jewish control of Jerusalem and to drive its
Palestinian population down to a minimum.
Twelve members of the Najib family – eight adults and four children –
live in the three rooms of their first-floor apartment on El-Wad street.
For the past 30 years, a yeshiva – a place for religious study – has
been based in the floors above the Najibs' home. According to the
Najibs, the students, teachers and round-the-clock armed security
guards make noise, throw garbage down the stairwell and intimidate the
children. "Every minute – midnight, midday, evening, morning – they are
singing, praying, playing music, slamming doors, coming up and down the
stairs. But they never speak to us," says Youssef.
Daniel Luria, the spokesman for Ateret Cohanim
the organisation behind the yeshiva, later tells me that none of the
settlers – a term he rejects – in the Muslim Quarter would be willing
to be interviewed. "It's never advantageous. We are always seen as the
occupier – the Palestinians are always seen as the residents," he says.
But Ateret Cohanim is much more than a promoter of religious studies.
It is dedicated to helping Jews buy up Arab properties in the Old City
and East Jerusalem in furtherance of what Luria calls the "physical and
spiritual redemption" of the city.
There is no dispute that Jews were its
earliest inhabitants, but the presence of Muslims and Christians also
stretches back over multiple centuries.
More recently, at the end of the war following the declaration of the
State of Israel in 1948, Jerusalem was divided, with the Old City on
the Jordanian-controlled eastern side of the armistice line, known as
the Green Line. The Jewish population within the ancient stone walls
sank to zero.
Nineteen years later, Israel captured East Jerusalem in the 1967 Six
Day war, "liberating" – in its terminology – the Old City. Jews
returned to live close to their revered site of the Western Wall and
Israel declared the "reunified, indivisible" city of Jerusalem to be
its "eternal" capital. Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem has
never been recognised by the international community. The Palestinians
want Arab-dominated East Jerusalem as the capital of a future state,
but Israel is determined to resist any division or sharing of the city;
hence the state's policy of establishing Jewish "neighbourhoods" –
settlements, to the rest of the world – in areas across the pre-1967
With little prospect in sight of a peace deal involving a shared
Jerusalem, Ateret Cohanim, one of the key drivers of religiously
motivated settler pockets, is increasing and consolidating the Jewish
presence in the Muslim, Christian and Armenian quarters of the Old City.
A report, Jerusalem, the Old City
, published in 2009 by the International Peace and Cooperation Centre (IPCC)
– a Palestinian civil society organisation – said Ateret Cohanim was
"taking the lead in the process of Judaising the Old City". Properties
were acquired using three different methods, it said: claiming historic
Jewish ownership and securing a court order to evict Palestinian
residents; taking over "absentee property", or using underhand
transactions, in which the identity of the buyer is concealed.
Meanwhile, in the Muslim Quarter, the
daily grind of life is worsening little by little. In the past 30 years
its population has doubled, exacerbating already-high levels of
overcrowding and poverty. A report on the Palestinian economy published
earlier this year by the United Nations said housing density in the
Muslim Quarter was almost three times as high as in the Jewish Quarter,
and many Palestinian homes lacked running water and a proper sewage
system. More than 80% of dwellings require major rehabilitation or
urgent maintenance, according to the IPCC.
Three out of four children in the Muslim Quarter live below the poverty
line, and unemployment is more than 30%. Garbage collection is sporadic
in these back streets, and there are almost no open spaces for children
to play in.
A major reason for the migration into the Old City is an Israeli
requirement for Palestinians to prove that Jerusalem is their "centre
of life" in order for them to keep their valued residency rights in the
city, giving greater access to jobs, education and healthcare. More
than 7,000 Palestinians had Jerusalem residency rights revoked between
2006 and 2011; faced with such a threat, thousands more moved from
suburbs and villages outside Jerusalem back into the city – including
the Old City – to secure their identity papers. Others, who found
themselves cut off from the city centre by the vast concrete separation
wall, moved into the Old City to avoid daily checkpoint ordeals.
In the house on El-Wad street – Youssef Najib shrugs when I ask if he thinks the Jews are here to stay in the Muslim Quarter.
"They won't even give us the West Bank for a state, so you think
they'll give back East Jerusalem?" he says. But he has created his
personal frontline in the battle for the Old City. Many times settlers
have knocked on the Najibs' door to offer the family money to leave the
property. But Youssef says: "If you give me the whole wealth of Israel,
I will not give you my home."
Future agreements with Israel won't apply to territories
(Barak Ravid, Haaretz, 7/16/13)
related articles including more by Barak Ravid:
EU takes tougher stance on Israeli settlements
(Harriet Sherwood, Guardian UK, 7/16/13)
Unprecedented strain on Israel-EU ties;
Netanyahu responds to EU:
"Israel will not tolerate edicts on our borders."
(Barak Ravid, Haaretz, 7/16/13)
stipulate Israel must acknowledge East Jerusalem, West Bank and Golan
as occupied territories before any future agreements signed with member
EU will take further measures against Israeli settlements
if Kerry's peace bid fails
(Barak Ravid, Haaretz, 7/16/13)
Measures could include labeling settlement goods and requiring travel visas for settlers.
Israel's relationship with the European Union has reached unprecedentedly strained levels.
The European Union has circulated a guideline for all 28 member states
forbidding any funding, cooperation, awarding of scholarships, research
funds or prizes to anyone residing in the Jewish settlements in the
West Bank and East Jerusalem. The guideline requires that any agreement
or contract signed by an EU country with Israel include a clause
stating that the settlements are not part of the State of Israel and
therefore are not part of the agreement.
The territorial clause determines that all agreements will be valid
only within Israeli borders recognized by the European Union, meaning
the borders prior to the 1967 Six-Day War.
The guidelines will go into effect on January 1, 2014.
The regulation is both practical and political: From now on, if the
Israeli government wants to sign agreements with the European Union or
one of its member states, it will have to recognize in writing that the
West Bank settlements are not part of Israel.
"The guidelines are in conformity with the EU's longstanding position
that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law and with
the non-recognition by the EU of Israel's sovereignty over the occupied
territories, irrespective of their legal status under domestic Israeli
The new guidelines are intended to
prevent a boycott against Israel, and to enable Israel to cooperate in
EU projects and benefit from the funding they bring, the delegation
A senior American official involved in efforts to kick-start peace
talks between Israel and the Palestinians has warned that should U.S.
Secretary of State John Kerry's efforts fail, European Union members
states will adopt additional measures against Israeli settlements in
the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
The U.S. administration and the political echelon in Jerusalem surmise
that European countries will blame Israel should Kerry's efforts fail –
and that they will then move ahead with plans to label goods produced
in Israeli settlements across the 28-member union. Other European
proposals that have been raised include requiring visas for Israeli
settlers wishing to travel to the EU.
In Prime Minister's Netanyahu's Office and Foreign Ministry there is
great tension and anxiety over the new regulation and its implications
for Israeli-EU relations.
"We will have to decide what to do from this day forward," a senior
Israeli official said. "We are not ready to sign on this clause in our
agreements with the European Union. We can say this to the Europeans,
but the result could be a halt to all cooperation in economics,
science, culture, sports and academia. This would cause severe damage
The move, described by an Israeli official as an "earthquake", was
hailed by Palestinians and their supporters as a significant political
and economic sanction against settlements.
Hanan Ashrawi, a senior Palestinian
official, welcomed the guidelines. "The EU has moved from the level of
statements, declarations and denunciations to effective policy
decisions and concrete steps, which constitute a qualitative shift that
will have a positive impact on the chances of peace."
Former Palestinian prime minister
Salam Fayyad, right, speaks to Mahmoud Hamamdeh, the chief of Mufaqara
village, which faces multiple demolition orders in al-Mufaqara.
Photograph: Mohamad Torokman/Reuters
Israeli authors fight to stop eviction
of Palestinian villagers from army zone
Israeli novelist David Grossman:
"For the past 20 years, Israel has been actively displacing the
inhabitants of the South Hebron Hills villages. These villages
have always practiced a unique lifestyle...They live in constant fear,
helplessly facing a ruthess power that does everything to displace them
from the home they have inhabitated for centuries."
(Harriet Sherwood, Guardian UK, 6/29/13)
"The Israeli occupation must be held to account, and Israel must comply
with international and humanitarian law and the requirements for
justice and peace."
The ruling determines the parameters for cooperation between the
European Union along with its member states, and Israeli private and
governmental entities between 2014 and 2020.
On the sun-baked, windswept, near-barren
hills of the southern West Bank, a thousand Palestinian villagers are
braced for the final act in a long drama that could sweep away a
tradition of goat-herding and cave-dwelling in an area designated as an
Israeli military training zone.
In a little over two weeks, Israel's
supreme court will hear an appeal on behalf of the villagers against
the planned evacuation of eight communities in the South Hebron Hills.
If the 13-year legal battle over Firing Zone 918 ends in Israel's
favour, the bleat of goats will be replaced by the crack of assault
rifles and the villagers will be moved into a nearby town. The Israeli
government's position is that, as a military training zone including
live fire, the area is not a suitable environment for permanent
In the past week, support for the villagers has come from an unexpected
source: 25 of Israel's best-known authors signed a petition calling for
the communities to be saved. Written by the internationally acclaimed
novelist David Grossman, the appeal's signatories include Amos Oz, AB
Yehoshua, Meir Shalev and Sayed Kashua.
"For the past 20 years, Israel has been actively expelling and
displacing the inhabitants of the South Hebron Hills villages," it
says. "These villagers have always practised a unique lifestyle: most
of them are cave-dwellers and find their livelihood in sheep and
goat-herding and small crop farming. Over these years, they have
suffered unceasing harassment by the Israeli army and settlers ... They
live in constant fear, helplessly facing a ruthless power that does
everything to displace them from the home they have inhabited for
It goes on: "In a reality of ongoing
occupation, of solid cynicism and meanness, each and every one of us
bears the moral obligation to try to relieve the suffering, do
something to bend back the occupation's giant, cruel hand."
The area of 12 square miles was designated a military training zone by
Israel in the 1980s, but it was not until 1999 that action was taken to
clear the land of its inhabitants.
The villagers were forcibly evicted, all structures were demolished and
inhabited caves were filled with rubble and blocked up. But a court
injunction allowed some villagers to return pending a decision on a
legal challenge to the evictions. The case was frozen from 2005 until
last year, leaving the threat of forced removal and demolitions.
It is a remote and undeveloped landscape, rolling towards the Negev
desert. Tarpaulin tents and breeze-block shelters are scattered over
the dry, stony hills. There are almost no paved roads, and none of the
villages is connected to a water supply or the electricity grid. During
the long, arid, summer months, families spend almost half their income
on water for themselves and their livestock.
Meanwhile, hardline Israeli settler
outposts on the edge of Firing Zone 918 are hooked up to water and
power, served by paved roads and protected by the Israeli army. The
Palestinian villagers and their livestock are subject to frequent
intimidation and violent beatings by the radical settlers; For several
years, village children have been given a court-ordered army escort on
their walk to school following abuse and stone-throwing by settlers.
The Egyptian State Unravels
(Mara Rekin, Foreign Affairs.com, 6/27/13)
"This is a group of poor people who are being constantly harassed and
attacked – and my country's army is obeying the command of the settlers
in this area," Meir Shalev, an award-winning novelist and one of the
signatories to the authors' petition, told the Observer. "These people
are being driven away, and if you have some kind of heart it's
something you should protest against."
The villagers' Israeli lawyers say the land's ownership is not in
question. "I have three huge files of land ownership in this area. It's
not disputed that this is privately-owned land," said Shlomo Lecker.
Under international humanitarian law, the transfer of occupied
populations is forbidden unless it is temporary and in the context of
Mahmoud Hamamdeh, the chief of Mufaqara village, which faces multiple
demolition orders, said the communities lived in "dignity and honour"
until "the cancer of settlements began". Using the Arabic word for
steadfast perseverance, he added: "Israel may destroy our cement, but
it will never destroy our sumud."
Shalev said he hoped the authors' petition would awaken the Israeli
public to the Palestinian villagers' plight, but was doubtful of its
impact. "Israeli society has become deaf and blind to the moral aspects
of the occupation. Today there are more Israelis active in the rights
of street cats in Tel Aviv than these poor people in caves," he said.
“Everybody needs a weapon,” said
Mahmoud, a 23-year-old Egyptian arms dealer, as he displayed his
inventory of pistols, machetes, and switchblades on the living room
floor of his family’s apartment in the crime-ridden Cairo neighborhood
of Ain Shams.
With Egyptian government statistics indicating a 300 percent increase
in homicides and a 12-fold increase in armed robberies since the 2011
Mahmoud and other black-market entrepreneurs are capitalizing on a
growing obsession with self-defense and civilian vigilantism among
Egyptians who have lost patience with their government’s inability to
restore security. Frustration with lawlessness is among the numerous
grievances that will drive antigovernment protesters to the streets on
June 30, the one-year anniversary of President Mohamed Morsi’s
Mahmoud is one of many
post-revolutionary lawbreakers who were victims of crime before they
became perpetrators. When I asked him how he made the decision to start
selling black-market weapons, he replied sarcastically, “What decision?
I had no choice.” Mahmoud explained that he used to earn a living
as a taxi driver. But shortly after the revolution, his car was
hijacked at gunpoint by a local gang. Like many of the amateur black
marketeers responsible for Egypt’s current crime wave, Mahmoud is a far
cry from the hardened criminal I had been expecting; he is just a young
man hoping to earn enough money to move out of his parents’ house,
marry his fiancée, and replace his stolen taxi.
Mahmoud’s neighborhood is home to one of Cairo’s most active black
markets in unlicensed weapons, where vendors hawk a variety of small
arms -- stolen police pistols, locally made shotguns, knives,
switchblades and Tasers -- at below-market prices. Although Egyptian
law prohibits the sale of unlicensed weapons, these informal markets
have thrived since the early days of the revolution. They operate
openly and often in plain view of the police, who until recently showed
little interest in regulating the illicit trade, despite soaring crime
Egyptians once lived in fear of the state. Now they fear its absence.
Many of the guns for sale come from the thousands of firearms that were
ransacked from police departments during the revolution. Others are
smuggled across Egypt’s borders with Libya and Sudan.
The proliferation of small arms in Cairo
and across Egypt is just one symptom of the security vacuum that
persists two years after the uprising that shattered Hosni Mubarak’s
seemingly unbreakable police state. Distrustful of a police force known
for being simultaneously abusive and incompetent, and wary of an
increasingly politicized judicial system that rarely delivers justice,
many Egyptians are administering law and order on their own terms.
Meanwhile, facing intermittent strikes by judicial workers and police
officers, Egypt’s overextended government is all too willing to
outsource some of its law enforcement functions to nonstate actors and
informal institutions. Since the revolution, local authorities have
tolerated the expansion of informal Sharia committees that administer
Islamic law, creating what is beginning to resemble a state within a
Egyptians complain that the police never fully redeployed after they
withdrew from the streets during the revolution. Those few who are
present in the streets are doing nothing to combat crime.
The refusal of police to do their job has more to do with apathy and
incompetence than it does with corruption. Convincing the police to
protect people who hate them -- and no longer fear them -- is no easy
Other reports suggest that a much more malignant phenomenon is at work:
direct police complicity in organized crime. Criminal gangs are among
the biggest beneficiaries of post-revolutionary lawlessness. They
function as a substitute for state security personnel in the most
dangerous slums of Cairo, allegedly with the tacit permission and even
encouragement of police. According to Haitham Tabei, an Egyptian
journalist who reports on urban crime, the police have willingly
abdicated control over entire neighborhoods of the city to criminal
gangs. These predatory groups operate illicit fiefdoms of racketeering,
trafficking, and prostitution with total impunity, hiring thugs (and
sometimes even children) to staff their private militias.
Outside of Cairo, the problem is even
more severe. Gangs control entire sections of major highways in Upper
Egypt and Sinai, where they terrorize truck drivers with semiautomatic
weapons and use the threat of carjacking to extort royalties from
companies that rely on ground transport to ship their goods.
US to Leave 700 Troops in Jordan
Although the primary function of the Mubarak regime’s security
apparatus was to protect the state from its political opponents, one of
its few positive side effects was an overall chilling effect on crime.
Before the revolution, Cairo had one of the lowest homicide rates in
Crime waves are to be expected in post-authoritarian transitions, and
the tradeoff between democratic reform and insecurity has been widely
studied in the context of the Soviet Union’s demise. So it is perhaps
unsurprising that violent crime rates have soared since the collapse of
the Mubarak regime.
Meaningful security sector reform, a central demand of the revolution
and one of Morsi’s forgotten campaign promises, has all but fallen off
the political agenda. Egypt’s partially dissolved parliament and
recently reshuffled government are preoccupied instead with mass
protests, the deteriorating economic situation, and a legal battle over
the design of the electoral system that has postponed elections
Without a serious effort to rebuild confidence in Egypt’s security
apparatus and judicial institutions, there are few incentives to abide
by laws that are neither enforced nor respected.
On both ends of an intensely polarized political spectrum, Morsi’s
supporters and his opponents are behaving in ways that make armed
confrontation inevitable. Neither the opposition nor the Brotherhood is
doing much to reduce the probability of a bloodbath on June 30, other
than to engage in a mutually discrediting display of blame-shifting.
in Sign of Deepening Involvement in Syrian Crisis
(Jonathan S Landay and Hannah Allam, Truth-Out.org, McClatchy Newspapers, 6/22/13)
In a sign of deepening U.S. involvement
in the Syrian crisis, the United States isleaving 700 combat-equipped
American military personnel in Jordan following the end of a joint
U.S.-Jordanian training exercise, President Barack Obama told Congress
The decision brings to about 1,000 the number of U.S. troops now
deployed in Jordan. It came a week after the White House announced that
the United States would begin providing light arms to Syrian rebels
fighting the regime of President Bashar Assad.
Obama said the troops would remain in Jordan to help provide that
country with security, but he did not say specificallywhat they would
Hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees have fled to Jordan in recent
months to escape the fighting in their homeland. But, unlike Syrian
neighbors Turkey, Lebanon and Iraq, there has been no spillover of
violence into the kingdom.
Rebels told McClatchy in December, however, that they had undergone
trainingin light and heavy weapons use inside Jordan at camps they
believed were overseen by American and British intelligence agents.
The 700 U.S. personnel that Obama said
would remain in Jordan had been participating in military exercises
dubbed Eager Lion. Those exercises ended on Thursday.
The Turkish Media's Darkest Hour
How Erdogan Got the Protest Coverage he Wanted
(Piotr Zalewski, Foreighn Affairs, 6/14/13)
The Americans include the crews of two Patriot anti-aircraft missile
batteries and the logistics, command and communications personnel
needed to support those units. The United States also is leaving behind
a squadron of 12 to 24 F-16 fighter jets that Jordan asked the United
States to keep in the kingdom, Obama said in his letter to Congress.
There already were some 300 U.S. troopsin Jordan whose official mission
is advising the government and training Jordanian forces confronting
the fallout of the brutal 2-year-old Syrian civil war, which has driven
an estimated 560,000 refugees into the tiny kingdom, a key U.S. ally in
the region, severely straining its finances and stability. The
war in Syria has claimed an estimated 96,000 lives.
While the administration publicly declared the regime's alleged use of
a nerve agent known as sarin as the reason for arming the rebels, it
was widely seen as a belated attempt by Obama to bolster the opposition
following the recapture earlier this month of the western city of
Qusayr by regime forces and fighters of Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed
Shiite Muslim militia movement from neighboring Lebanon.
The loss of Qusayr, other battlefield setbacks and the inability of a
political opposition coalition to agree on leaders and a platform,
dealt major blows to the badly fractured Syrian resistance and its
foreign backers, including the United States and the Sunni
Muslim-dominated states of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Jordan.
The US deployment is intended to step up pressure on the Syrian regime
ahead of a peace conference that the United States and Russia are
trying to organize.
Two weeks into the protests that have
raged in Istanbul and dozens of other cities across Turkey, a few
things have become clear. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose
authoritarian style of governance has made him the target of the
demonstrators’ anger, has been weakened but remains popular and fully
in charge. Those frustrated with his government's policies, as well as
with the opposition's clumsy attempts to provide alternatives, have
finally found a voice, if not necessarily a leader. One of the
protests’ most tangible outcomes, however, has been to lay bare the
full extent to which Erdogan’s government has brought the Turkish media
Over the past few years, Turkey has made headlines as the world’s top
jailer of journalists. According to Reporters Without Borders, a
nongovernmental organization that supports press freedom, 67
journalists currently sit in Turkish prisons.
The government insists that only a small
fraction of the jailed journalists are behind bars for crimes related
to their reporting. (Most of the journalists are Kurds accused of links
to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, considered a terrorist group.)
Human rights organizations and media watchdogs beg to differ. Of the 67
jailed journalists, a Reporters Without Borders spokesperson said in an
email, “a minimum of 33 journalists and 2 media assistants” have been
detained for their reporting.
Protests have continued in the village of Khashamir against the US attacks
Yet the debate about numbers misses the point. As the last two weeks
have shown, Turkey’s jailed journalists are only the most visible
symptom of a much wider malaise: the cowing
of the country’s free press.
As the scale of the demonstrations became clear, a number of major
newspapers buried the story. And on June 1, as mass demonstrations and
rioting erupted across dozens of cities, the main news channels buried
their necks in the sand.
This is not the first time in recent memory that the media have recoiled under government pressure.
The crisis of the free press isn’t as simple as direct censorship or a
chasm between pro- and anti-government media (although a number of
outlets have been taken over by businessmen with close ties to the
ruling Justice and Development Party, known byits Turkish acronym,
real problem in Turkey is that all mainstream media, sympathetic to the AKP or not, have little
choice but to be on good terms with the powers that be. This is as true now as it was when the
AKP wasn’t around, and when it was the once omnipotent army -- which
managed to bring down four governments since 1960 and which Erdogan’s
government has since brought to heel -- that
ruled from the sidelines. Today, however, it is more visible than ever before.
For most media bosses, newspapers are little more than vehicles to
curry favor with the authorities. Given the amount of cash that
they hemorrhage each year, most media outlets, at least from an economic perspective, are useless
investments. Where the media titans can rake in the big bucks is
through investments in such areas as mining, construction, or port
services, sectors where the
biggest client is none other than the
government itself. With public contracts worth billions of
stake, and with the process for seeking them notoriously opaque, the
bosses have to
tread carefully. Stepping on the government’s toes often
means being left out in the cold. Just ask Aydin Dogan. The media
tycoon, whose newspapers ran a series of articles in 2008 about a
corruption scandal allegedly involving the AKP, was first publicly
shamed by the prime minister and then slapped with a record fine of
$3.2 billion for tax irregularities.
Back when the generals pulled the strings, the taboo issues were the Armenian genocide of 1915,
the Kurdish situation, and the military itself. Today, says Esra Arsan,
a former reporter who is currently a professor of journalism and media
studies at Istanbul Bilgi University, it’s the hard-hitting stories on
government corruption and corporate malpractice that are off limits.
Arsan says the media have become "experts on how to censor themselves.”
The scale of the problem is astounding. Of the journalists Esra Arsan
interviewed for a 2011 study, 95 percent said the government intervened
in editorial decisions, 89 percent said the media bosses did, and 100
percent reported that censorship was common.
In most cases, it isn’t the fear of being jailed that breeds
self-censorship but the fear of being left jobless, branded, and
[Faisal Ahmed bin Ali Jaber/Al Jazeera]
Anger at US drone war continues in Yemen
Psychiological impact mounts in Khashamir where drones killed a family last year;
Residents still feel "terrorized"
(Rebecca Murray, Al Jazeera 6/7/13)
In his counterterrorism speech on May 27, Barack Obama stopped short of
an apology when he acknowledged civilian casualties by American drones,
saying: "Those deaths will haunt us as long as we live."
For Faisal Ahmed bin Ali Jaber, 54, and his rural village of Khashamir, one deadly accident continues to exact a heavy toll.
The circumstances behind the drone strike are tragic. Faisal said his
brother-in-law, a respected, 49-year old cleric called Salem Ahmed bin
Ali Jaber, delivered a forceful sermon denouncing al-Qaeda’s extremism
at the local mosque.
Salem’s worried father feared retribution from pro-al-Qaeda fighters.
He asked Faisal to advise his son to tone down his rhetoric. But when
confronted, the imam bravely said he would rather die knowing he was
preaching the right message.
Salem’s fate was sealed a few days later, on August 29. Three strangers
- in retrospect, suspected fighters - drove into the village, searching
for the outspoken cleric.
They found Salem at the mosque that
night, surrounded by worshippers. They convinced him to talk with them
outside by a palm grove. Faisal’s nephew, Walid Abdullah bin Ali Jaber,
a 20-year old with the traffic police, accompanied him for protection.
"It was after the evening prayer and I was sitting on my balcony,"
Faisal said, recalling that moment. "There was a light and then a big
noise - I thought the mountains would fall."
Four drone strikes in total, a few minutes apart, violently tore Salem,
Walid and the three visitors to shreds. Amidst the pandemonium,
villagers cowering inside the mosque ran out for safety between
strikes, believing they would die inside.
"You cannot imagine what we found," said Faisal, drawing a slow, deep
breath as he described the nighttime chaos that followed. "We found
body parts scattered everywhere. We tried to collect them all, and
brought them to the mosque to wrap in white cloth."
The repercussions were devastating. The villagers marched the next day,
chanting: "Obama, why do you spill our blood?" But Ymen's President Abd
Rabbu Mansour Hadi met their pleas for answers with silence.
Salem’s mother died two weeks later apparently from shock. Faisal’s
sister Hayat, the mother of Walid, refuses to leave her home, and said
she is "waiting to join my son". Faisal’s daughter Heba was so stricken
with fear she didn’t leave her home for twenty days. She still needs
"The people in the village are so afraid now," Faisal sighed. "Everything has changed. They think they can be killed anywhere."
Rights groups say the damage is serious.
"All that local communities see is the damage and destruction," said
Letta Taylor, a counterterrorism researcher at Human Rights Watch.
"Nothing that suggests that the US and Yemeni authorities care about
President Obama declared that the US will continue to "act against
terrorists who pose a continuing and imminent threat to the American
people" and that before any strike "there must be near-certainty that
no civilians will be killed or injured".
Analysts point to the key terms "imminent threat" and "near-certainty" as some of those that need to be more clearly defined.
According to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, there have been up
to 154 strikes by US drones in Yemen since 2002, with up to 97
civilians included in the almost 800 total killed in the attacks.
Both the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Pentagon’s Joint
Special Operations Command (JSOC) conduct drone strikes in Yemen. The
CIA operates from a secret base in neighboring Saudi Arabia.
US Attorney General Eric Holder recently admitted that four US citizens
have been killed by drone attacks. While al-Awlaki was directly
targeted, he said that the other three, including al-Awlaki’s 16-year
old son Abdulrahman, were not.
One person who grew up under drones is Entsar al-Qadhi, a
representative with the National Dialogue’s counterterrorism
subcommittee. Her central province of Marib was first hit in 2002, and
has been a common target for surveillance and strikes
in recent years.
Al-Qadhi smiled grimly. "Before, there
was a general interest in listening to Osama Bin Laden’s speech and
finding out what he will do next, and how he will terrorise people
more," she said. "Now, we listen to Obama’s speech to find out how he
will next terrorise us."
Israeli soldiers take part in exercises in the Golan Heights near the border with Syria.
Meanwhile, the psychological scars for drone strike survivors fester.
Peter Schaapveld, a psychologist sent by British Charity REPRIVE to
south Yemen to investigate the symptoms, uncovered some dire statistics.
Out of his pool of survivors, he found 70 percent to be suffering from
formal post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and virtually all were
suffering from some symptoms of PTSD.
Schaapveld warns that as long as they continue living under a drone threat, their symptoms will only worsen.
"There is basically a breakdown of society as a result of this," he
said. "Children were not going to school, or if they were the school
teachers did not understand PTSD and sent them home. They were not
benefiting from an education, and this is storing up problems for
"Where there was a strike on the market area, daily commerce was
starting to break down," Schaapveld added. "People were not going to
the markets, because to meet in those areas meant they might be subject
to another strike."
Photo: Menahem Kahana/AFP/Getty Imagesurtesy Al Jazeera
Golan Heights villages brace for war
as tensions rise between Syria and Israel
(Phoebe Greenwood in Majdal Shams/Golan Heights, Guardian UK, 5/31/13)
A mother in the village of Majdal Shams, on the slopes of the Golan
Heights, who asked not to be named, has been stocking up on rice,
canned food, oil and wheat for the last week. She listens to news
reports of missiles from Russia and Israeli air strikes, she hears the
cracks of gunfire and thuds of mortars just minutes away in Syria and
feels the war coming closer.
"There is an atmosphere of fear now. Everyone is preparing for war, not just me," she says.
As the fast escalating war of words between the Assad regime and Israel
threatens to reignite a conflict that has lain dormant for more than 45
years, villages along the faultline in the Golan Heights are
stockpiling food and medical supplies.
On Thursday Bashar al-Assad threatened to "open a front on the Golan
Heights" should Israel make good the promises of its security chiefs to
prevent Russian S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems becoming
operational on Syrian soil.
"There is clear popular pressure to open a front of resistance in the
Golan and there is Arab enthusiasm and a desire to come and fight
against Israel," the Syrian president told Hezbollah's al-Manar TV.
Many in Majdal Shams, a small Druze village, are convinced that this
political posturing will soon become impossible to back out of. The
community is preparing itself for a war that neither country wants to
The Golan Heights is home to more than 80,000 Druze, an esoteric
Islamic sect whose insular, self-governing communities are accommodated
by governments across the Middle East.
"We are in a very special situation. We
are lucky our village wasn't destroyed in 1967 because Israel considers
us Druze so we are not a target for them. We are Syrian so we are not a
target for Syria or for Hezbollah. We are like an island in this
region," explains Dr Maray Taisseer, a consultant at the Majdal Shams
medical centre and community spokesperson.
Series on the Palestinian 'catastrophe' of 1948 that led to dispossession and conflict that still endures
(Al Jazeera English 5/22/13)
The war, if it comes, may not be a disaster, Taisseer suggests, if it delivers Golan back into Syrian hands.
"Whatever happens in Syria, everyone agrees we should be liberated – it
doesn't matter whether it's by regime or rebel forces. This is Syrian
land and that is clear," he states unequivocally.
The distinctive peaked roofs of Majdal Shams run right up to a new
Israeli military fence, erected at a blistering pace along the 1967
armistice line just six months ago. Families here are divided in their
loyalties to regime and rebel forces but all are committed Syrian
nationalists. The enemy is the Israeli occupier.
The Israeli military has significantly boosted its presence in the
Golan as the Syrian civil war has edged closer. The hilltops are lined
with military outposts and packs of young recruits are drill-marched
along local roads, past fields of Syrian-laid landmines not cleared
since the 1967 war.
If Syrian and Israeli forces do clash on this border, Druze families on
the frontline say they will not leave their homes. Every house has a
bomb shelter and enough food to last several months. They are ready to
weather the next war.
Hussein Khater, 47, is continuing work on a home for his children with a view over the border fence to Syrian hills.
"We still feel Syrian but the most important thing to us as Druze is
our land. This is my land that I am standing on now and I don't care
what government controls it but I won't leave," he says. "I hope there
won't be war here but if there is, it won't be a problem for us."
A message by Dr. Mona el Farra from Gaza
Al-Jazeera English is broadcasting a special four-part series on Al-Nakba
(first broadcast on the Arabic-language network in 2008). The
first 3 episodes can be accessed on demand on Al Jazeera's website. The
4th episode airs Tuesday, May 28 1pm PST and should be added to their
site shortly thereafter.
For Palestinians, 1948 marks the 'Nakba'
or the 'catastrophe'. In human terms, that year saw the mass
deportation of a million Palestinians from their cities and villages,
massacres of civilians, and the razing to the ground of hundreds of
But for Israelis, the same year marks the creation of their own state.
The series attempts to present an understanding of the events of the past that are still shaping the present.
In 1968 British historian Arnold Toynbee stated "the tragedy in
Palestine is not just a local one; it is a tragedy for the world,
because it is an injustice that is a menace to the world's peace."
This story starts in 1799, outside the
walls of Acre (Akka in Arabic) in Ottoman-controlled Palestine, when an
army under Napoleon Bonaparte besieged the city. It was all part of a
campaign to defeat the Ottomans and establish a French presence in the
In search of allies, Napoleon issued a letter offering Palestine as a
homeland to the Jews under French protection. He called on the Jews to
‘rise up’ against what he called their oppressors.
Napoleon’s appeal was widely publicised. But he was ultimately defeated.
Napoleon’s project for a Jewish homeland in the region under a colonial
protectorate did not die, 40 years later, the plan was revived
but by the British.
On 19 April 1936, the Palestinians
launched a national strike to protest against mass Jewish immigration
and what they saw as Britain’s alliance with the Zionist movement.
The British responded with force. During the six months of the strike,
over 190 Palestinians were killed and more than 800 wounded.
Wary of popular revolt, Arab leaders advised the Palestinians to end the strike.
Palestinian leaders bowed to pressure from the Arab heads of state and
agreed to meet the British Royal Commission of Inquiry headed by Lord
In its report of July 1937, the Peel Commission recommended the
partition of Palestine. Its report drew the frontiers of a Jewish state
in one-third of Palestine, and an Arab state in the remaining
two-thirds, to be merged with Transjordan.
A corridor of land from Jerusalem to Jaffa would remain under British
mandate. The Commission also recommended transferring where necessary
Palestinians from the lands allocated to the new Jewish state.
The Commission’s proposals were widely published and provoked heated debate.
As the Palestinian revolt continued, Britain’s response hardened.
Between 1936 and 1937, the British killed over 1,000 Palestinians; 37
British military police and 69 Jews also died.
Few Palestinians, if any, could have imagined they were to become victims of what would later be called ‘ethnic cleansing’.
After 30 years of British rule, the question of Palestine was referred
to the United Nations, which had become the forum for conflict.
On 29 November 1947, the UN General Assembly met to devise a plan for
the partition of Palestine. UN Resolution 181 divided Palestine into an
Arab and a Jewish state, with Jerusalem as an internationalised city.
The Jewish state was granted 56 percent of the land; the city of Jaffa
was included as an enclave of the Arab state; and the land known today
as the Gaza Strip was split from its surrounding agricultural regions.
But making the proposed Arab state all but proved impractical in the eyes of many Palestinians.
When the draft resolution was presented for voting, Arab newspapers ran
a ‘name and shame’ list of the countries that voted for the UN
partition plan, and Arab protesters took to the streets.
Following the partition resolution, Britain announced it would end its mandate in Palestine on 14 May 1948.
Airs Tuesday, 1pm (PST) May 28.
Detained Testimonies from Palestinian children imprisoned by Israel
(+972 Blog, text and photos by Samar Hazboun)
This episode reports on 1948-2008 including the illegal seizure of Palestinian land after the 1967 war.
Dore Stein: Sadly the 'Nakba' is still on going on the ground with
settlement building escalating and Palestinians being forced from their
homes in East Jerusalem, Hebron and elsewhere.
Israel arrests 14 year old U.S. citizen
Mohammad Khaleq is one of more than 8,000 Palestinian children
held by Israel since the year 2000
(Linah Alsaafin, Al Jazeera, 4/15/13)
First (top) story excerpt:
‘Detained: Testimonies from Palestinian Children Imprisoned by Israel’ uncovers
one of the
most painful experiences that Palestinian children endure in the
ongoing Israeli occupation. Through interviews with ex-detainees and
mothers of minors presently in detention, the project documents their
stories and aims to lend a voice to those who are silenced from fear of
past 11 years, according to Defence for Children International, some
7,500 children have been detained in Israeli prisons and detention
facilities. Muhammad Daoud Dirbas, at the age of six, was the youngest
child to have been detained by Israeli soldiers. Such practices are
considered illegal under international law, as are other policies that
children are subjected to, such as solitary confinement.
cases, I (Samar Hazboun) found children who suffer from various
traumas. Some were not able to talk about what had happened in prison;
others burst into tears. Many children agreed to talk “off the
record”; I thus know their stories but was not able to officially
interview them or take their pictures. In some cases, I was able to
talk to the parents once the child left the room, and thus obtained
more detailed information about how the children were dealing with what
had happened to them.
cases, the children suffer from insomnia, involuntary urination,
nightmares, depression, and fear of going out and facing people.
children I interviewed decided not to take further legal action, out of
fear of the repercussions of doing so, and the lack of belief that they
will be guaranteed protection.
It was not
possible to independently corroborate all of the facts told by the
children and their families. These are their stories, in their words.
Dates, names and places have been changed in order to protect the children’s identities.
of Z.S. (17) was attacked on a Thursday night at around 2 a.m. with
stun grenades and tear gas. Six soldiers broke into his family house
and arrested him. The soldiers dragged him to a neighboring settlement
1 kilometer away. During the walk, he was beaten. He was left outside
in the cold, blindfolded, for two hours.
interrogation, he was asked whether he wished to be treated like an
animal or a human being. He responded, “like a human being.” He was
handcuffed and blindfolded, as the interrogator electrically shocked
him several times. He then grabbed his head and banged it against the
wall until a second interrogator came in. The interrogator asked him to
lie on the ground, and started to kick him until he lost consciousness.
Z.S. was released that same day. He has not filed any complaints for fear of the repercussions of doing so.
was accused of belonging to a militant group. He was arrested from his
family home and held in prison for 18 months. He spent 45 days of the
18 months in solitary confinement with his legs and hands tied
together. Various methods of torture were used on him, including sleep
deprivation and emotional blackmail.
When M.K. was moved out of solitary confinement, he endured group punishment. He was not allowed any visits during that period.
raid to arrest M.K., his house was attacked by tear gas and stun
grenades. As a result, his neighbor’s daughter lost hearing in one ear.
M.K. is not allowed to leave the city of Nablus for the next six years.
I.B., 16 years old
cousin was shot dead at an Israeli checkpoint in Nablus at the age of
15. The soldiers suspected he was wearing an explosives belt because of
a wire connected to his ear. It later transpired that it was a mobile
In order to commemorate his cousin, I.B. decided to print posters of his cousin and paste them on the walls of his neighborhood.
This was considered a crime by the IDF.
four days in prison and 18 days in a solitary confinement cell. He was
not able to finish his studies after his imprisonment.
Z.B., 17 years old at the time of his arrest
family was asked by soldiers to immediately evacuate their house with
no prior notice. During the raid on his house, all of the family’s
furniture was broken into pieces.
soldiers finished raiding the house, one soldier twisted his arms while
the second blindfolded him. He and his cousin were arrested. They were
accused of belonging to a Hamas group.
Z.B. has been in prison for nine years now. He is not allowed any family visits.
has been detained seven times so far. The first time, he was arrested
at the age of nine for allegedly throwing stones at settlers.
family is constantly targeted by settler attacks as they live in Hay al
Bustan in Silwan. Their house is slated for demolition as a part of an
Israeli plan targeting the homes (of) Arab citizens in Jerusalem.
attacks are very common in that area. M.O. was attacked by settlers and
beaten up. He suffered from internal bleeding due to the brutality of
5, 2010 M.A. (13) was arrested at 2 a.m. from his family house. He was
accused of damaging settler cars and throwing stones.
was arrested, he was severely beaten. As a result of the torture he
underwent during his time in detention, his trial had to be postponed
because of the visible bruises on his head and body.
was not allowed any visits during his detention. The court ruled to
release him on bail of NIS 5,000 ($1,300), in addition to placing him
under house arrest.
28, 2011 Y.K. (15) went with his father to the fields of the farm they
own, which is located next to an Israeli settlement. The family was
attacked that day by armed settlers who shot Y.K. in the head. He later
His younger brother, 14, was arrested and detained for 45 days.
B.A. (15) was arrested for the first time. Shortly after his release,
he fell ill and was hospitalized. During his stay at the hospital, the
IDF went to his house to arrest him, as he was on a wanted list. When
they did not find him, they arrested his brother instead.
soldiers offered to release his brother in exchange for B.A.,
threatening to raid the hospital. The ”exchange” operation took place
at 6 a.m. and was filmed with the presence of medical staff.
B.A. is in
detention and has attended eight court hearings for participating in a
peaceful protest against the occupation. Under Israeli military law,
all Palestinian protests are illegal.
He is not allowed any family visits.
Documentary photographer and visual artist Samar Hazboun can be followed on Twitter (@Samar_Hazboun).
Her website is here..
Nour Joudah (center) with her class at Friends School
Nour Joudah returns to U.S.,
but continues to fight Israel's arbitrary denial of entry
(Alex Kane, Mondoweiss.net, 4/19/13)
teacher Nour Joudah was denied entry to the West Bank en route to
her only place of employment and has returned to the United States
after fighting the Israeli bureaucracy from Amman, Jordan. Nour Joudah
is a teacher at the Friends School in Ramallah.
Quaker-affiliated school is one of the oldest educational institutions
in Palestine and is an oasis. But the case of Joudah clearly
shows that Israel calls the shots in occupied Palestine. And examining
her story shatters the feeling that the Friends School is worlds away
from a conflict situation.
utterly normal at Friends. Hints of the chaos of the Second
Intifada--when Israeli shells were fired near the school and a bombing
hit a nearby police station--are nowhere to be found. You would be
forgiven if you forgot for a moment that there was an Israeli
occupation. Israeli soldiers, though, still conduct raids in the heart
of Ramallah as they see fit.
Palestinian students who attend the Friends School are well aware of
the occupation and its grip on Palestinian life. The students who
learned English from Nour Joudah are even more viscerally aware of how
Israel controls Palestinian freedom of movement, even if the person has
American citizenship. Israel’s decision to deny Joudah entry left them
without a teacher they adored, and temporarily disrupted their studies.
Izhiman, 14, described Ms. Nour, as they called her, “so friendly...She
makes sure you love to learn,” said Izhiman, in extremely good English.
“I never thought they would do such a horrible thing...This specific
story shows the world how they prevent people from coming home.”
graduate of Georgetown, hails from Clarksville, Tennessee and had been
teaching English at the Friends School since September 2012. She held a
multiple-entry visa from Israel which gave her permission to stay and
work in Ramallah for a whole year. Last Christmas, she traveled to
Amman, Jordan on her way to celebrate the holidays with a friend. But
when she went back to the West Bank in early January, Israeli border
authorities denied her entry for unspecified “security” reasons.
Repeated denials of entry effectively amounted to a revocation of her
Friends School in Ramallah has been funded by USAID, or the United
States Agency for International Development. This, combined with Joudah
being an American citizen, were more than enough reason for American
officials to get involved after Joudah’s first denial of entry. But
Joudah’s citizenship, and her US-government funded place of employment,
didn’t matter to Israeli authorities.
the only place in the world where I feel that it means nothing to be an
American” said Reham Barghouti, a psychology instructor and guidance
counselor at the Friends School who is also an American citizen. She
shared a classroom with Joudah while they both taught at the school.
“If there was any other place that dealt with American citizens in this
kind of way, there would be this whole giant uproar, right? But because
it’s here, I guess, it doesn’t really matter.”
Embassy in Washington D.C. recommended that she try entering at
Ben-Gurion Airport. On February 25, her plane touched down in Tel
Aviv. But despite having a multiple-entry visa, she was again
questioned, detained and denied entry. Judah said Israeli interrogators
asked her for what she called “a list of every young Palestinian that I
knew so that [the interrogator] could create a file of phone numbers to
She was put
back on a plane to Amman the next morning. Joudah denies she was
uncooperative; she says she answered every single question (other than
the request to furnish the names of young Palestinians she knew).
hired Israeli-American lawyer Emily Schaeffer, who is known for taking
on the Israeli government’s discriminatory treatment of
Palestinians. Schaeffer sees Joudah’s denial of entry as evidence
of two trends she has noticed while working as a lawyer: restrictions
on both foreign NGO workers who assist Palestinians as well as
foreigners with Palestinian or Arab backgrounds. Earlier this year,
Haaretz reported that Israel had “renewed restrictions on the
freedom of movement of foreign nationals who live and work in the West
Bank that prohibit them from entering East Jerusalem or Israel.” As for
the other trend, Schaeffer says she has other Western clients who have
had to deal with Israeli discrimination like Joudah has. “Basically,
it’s intended to block the empowerment of the Palestinian community,”
of discrimination is getting renewed attention in the wake of news
reports on a bill sponsored by the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee (AIPAC) that would grant Israel an exemption from
reciprocating visa-free entries to the country. AIPAC is pushing
legislation that would allow Israelis to enter the U.S. without the
hassle of obtaining a visa. Usually, countries reciprocate this
practice with the U.S. But Israel--and AIPAC--are pushing for an
exemption that would effectively allow Israel to discriminate against
travelers it sees as “security threats”--largely meaning people with
Palestinian or Arab backgrounds. “It’s stunning that you would give a
green light to another country to violate the civil liberties of
Americans traveling abroad,” said a Congressional staffer.
See Glen Greenwald column:
"Barbara Boxer, AIPAC seek to codify Israel's right to discriminate against Americans."
the headaches Israel has caused for her, Joudah still manages to see
some light in her situation. She has no regrets having fought the
denial, and says her students have learned some valuable lessons from
Joudah’s students, Nicole Zakkak, said that “one of the most important
things I learned from Ms. Nour was to speak about my homeland and my
rights as a priority.”
added: “As my mother reminded me, 'honey, the whole nation is in exile,
so you’ve never been any different, you just got a reminder."
Iraq's pain has only intensified since 2003
"The country of my birth, already so damaged, is now crippled by fear of all-out civil war.
But in the people there is hope."
(Opinion piece by Sami Ranmadani, Guardian UK, 3/13/13)
Iraq fears return of sectarian war,
this time wth added political dimension
Shias and Sunnis increase attacks amid concern Syria war
could raise violence to levels of deadliest period in nations's history
(Peter Beaumont, Guardian UK 3/13/13)
note: The Guardian UK had an excellent series called "Iraq war: 10 years on"
that included anniversary interviews, stories and analysis.
many articles commemorating the anniversary, I chose to excerpt an
opinon piece by Iraqi political refugee Sami Ramadani who is a senior
lecturer in sociology at London Metropolitan University and was a
political refugee from Saddam's regime.
Sami Ranmadani opinion piece excerpt:
always been painful for me to write about Iraq and Baghdad, the land of
my birth and the city of my childhood. They say that time is a great
healer, but, along with most Iraqis, I feel the pain even more deeply
today. But this time the tears for what has already happened are mixed
with a crippling fear that worse is yet to come: an all-out civil war.
Ten years on from the shock and awe of
the 2003 Bush and Blair war – which followed 13 years of murderous
sanctions, and 35 years of Saddamist dictatorship – my tormented land,
once a cradle of civilisation, is staring into the abyss.
imperialist intervention and dictatorial rule have together been
responsible for the deaths of more than a million people since 1991.
And yet, according to both Tony Blair and the former US secretary of
state Madeleine Albright,
the "price is worth it".
Blair, whom most Iraqis regard as a war criminal, is given VIP
treatment by a culpable media. Iraqis listen in disbelief when he says:
"I feel a responsibility but no regret for removing Sadam Hussein." (As
if Saddam and his henchmen were simply whisked away, leaving the people
to build a democratic state). It enrages us to see Blair build a
business empire, capitalising on his role in piling up more Iraqi
skulls than even Saddam managed.
people are fully aware, too, that Saddam committed all his major crimes
while an ally of western powers. On the eve of the 2003 invasion I wrote the for the Guardian:
"In Iraq, the US record speaks for itself: it backed Saddam's party,
the Ba'ath, to capture power in 1963, murdering thousands of
socialists, communists and democrats; it backed the Ba'ath party in
1968 when Saddam was installed as vice-president; it helped him and the
Shah of Iran in 1975 to crush the Kurdish nationalist movement; it
increased its support for Saddam in 1979…helping him launch his war of
aggression against Iran in 1980; it backed him throughout the horrific
eight years of war (1980 to 1988), in which a million Iranians and
Iraqis were slaughtered, in the full knowledge that he was using
chemical weapons and gassing Kurds and Marsh Arabs; it encouraged him
in 1990 to invade Kuwait…; it backed him in 1991 when Bush [senior]
suddenly stopped the war, exactly 24 hours after the start of the great
March uprising that engulfed the south and Iraqi Kurdistan…; and it
backed him as the 'lesser evil' from March 1991 to September 11 2001
under the umbrella of murderous sanctions and the policy of
But when it was no longer in their interests to
back him, the US and UK drowned Iraq in blood. That war has still not
been consigned to history – not for the people of Iraq or the region.
even counted the dead yet, let alone the injured, displaced and
traumatised. Countless thousands are still missing. Of the more than 4
million refugees, at least a million are yet to go back to their
homeland, and there still about a million internal refugees. On an
almost daily basis, explosions and shootings continue to kill the
The US and
UK still refuse to accept the harmful consequences of radioactive
depleted uranium munitions, and the US denies that it used chemical
weapons in Falluja – but Iraqis see the evidence: the poisoned
environment, the cancer and deformities. Lack of electricity, clean
water and other essential services continues to hit millions of
impoverished and unemployed people. Women's rights, and human
rights in general, are daily suppressed.
And what of democracy, supposedly the point of it all? The US-led occupying authorities nurtured a "political process"
and a constitution designed to sow sectarian and ethnic discord. Having failed to crush the resistance to direct occupation, they resorted to divide-and-rule to keep their foothold in Iraq. Using torture, sectarian death squads and billions of dollars, the occupation has succeeded in weakening the
social fabric and elevating a corrupt ruling class that gets richer by
the day, salivating at the prospect of acquiring a bigger share of
Iraq's natural resources, which are mostly mortgaged to foreign oil
companies and construction firms.
sectarian and ethnic forces, either allied to or fearing US influence,
dominate the dysfunctional and corrupt Iraqi state institutions, but
the US embassy in Baghdad – the biggest in the world – still calls the
To add to
the increased tension within the country, the war in Syria is
threatening to create a wider regional conflict, with Iraq
and Lebanon being sucked in.
war on Iraq has been an unmitigated disaster, with genocidal dimensions
for the Iraqi people, and continues to fuel conflicts and sow discord in the region.
There was once a strong democratic unifying
force in Iraq, but this was crushed by the CIA-backed Ba'athist coup of
1963, and Saddam's regime. The re-emergence of such a force is now the
Iraqi people's only hope.
Key Hamas leader accepts 1967 borders, embraces pragmatism
(Analysis by Dahlia Scheindlin, 972mag.com*, 4/6/13)
* +972 is a blog-based web magazine
that is jointly owned by a group of journalists, bloggers and
photographers whose goal is to provide fresh, original, on-the-ground
reporting and analysis of events in Israel and Palestine. Our
collective is committed to human rights and freedom of information, and
we oppose the occupation.
The name of the site is derived from the telephone area code that is shared by Israel and Palestine.
(combines +972 analysis and parts of interview)
An exclusive interview in Al-Monitor published
Friday with deputy foreign minister of the Hamas government, Dr. Ghazi
Hamad by Israeli journalist Shlomi Eldar, explains the far-reaching
change in attitudes under way in his movement and the unchanged
approach of not recognizing Israel.
is considered to be very close to Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh,
whom he once served as spokesman, and to the chief of Hamas' political
bureau, Khaled Meshaal, the movement’s newly reelected leader.
is certainly the word interviewer Shlomi Eldar, one of Israel’s top
television reporters covering Palestinian affairs, wants readers to
remember. Dr. Ghazi Hamad heads the “pragmatic wing” of Hamas and the
interview is all about the changes of policy, external relations, and
possibly even ideology.
The +972 analysis of the interview discusses three specific points, two internal and one related to Israel:
the context of Palestinian politics, Dr. Hamad works to convey
institutional legitimacy. He emphasizes that Mashal was re-elected to
the head of the political bureau through a participatory political
Hamad: "First of all, we must remember that these were democratic
elections, and as such, they are a credit to the movement. Elections
for Hamas’ other institutions ended a year ago, and that was the last time that the Hamas
He may have
been overstating the “democratic” case – it’s not exactly a popular
primary but the top layer of a multi-layered delegate structure – the
shura council – that elected Mashal. Still, Hamad clearly wants to
convey the legitimacy of the decision-making process and political
stresses the commitment to advancing the long-stagnant plan for
Hamas-Fatah reconciliation. Hamad discusses some of the mechanics of
how this could happen, which indicates a serious effort and also
highlights a change from the past.
movement expressed confidence in its leaders."
Hamad: "There is an extensive political and diplomatic program
which we must advocate and work toward, and that includes joining the
official institutions of the PLO. Those are our objectives, and that is our new approach."
come to pass, it could help erode Israel’s widely-embraced notion that
there is “no partner,” because the Palestinian leadership is too
divided to agree or implement an accord.
with relation to Israel, Hamad states openly that Hamas accepts 1967
borders without recognizing Israel. It’s not the first time Hamas has
indicated support for 1967 as the basic borders. Khaled Mashal stated
so last November, in a CNN interview on the day of the ceasefire that ended the Pillar of Defense war in Gaza:
Mashal: "We have two options… the way of peace and a Palestinian
state, according to the border of 1967 with the right to return. And
this is something we have agreed upon as Palestinians, as a common program."
that Hamad now explicitly and repeatedly states acceptance of ‘67
lines, to an Israeli interviewer, shows much greater clarity on this
But in the same breath Hamas says: “We do not say ‘two states,’” and “Hamas does not recognize Israel.”
this mean? In fact, it is only confusing if one fails to appreciate the
symbolic aspect of politics, diplomacy, conflict and political change.
Hamas has opted to become a player rooted in the world
of political facts, rather than fantasies that are de-linked from
reality. In reality, its leaders know that there will be no Palestinian
state west of the Green Line, and its policy statements reflect that.
is also a symbol of political community. It is the community of
resistance against Israel (“as long as the occupation continues,” he
says. If Palestine is 1967, then this is a finite struggle). It also
distinguishes them from Fatah, which is increasingly identified with
failure to end the occupation, or even blamed for perpetuating it.
was once the primary meaning of “resistance.” Yet Hamas has largely
relinquished violence now: Hamad emphasizes that “armed struggle
remains a right,” but that “popular uprising” (the term for the unarmed
protests – ds) is the tactical preference.
Ghazi Hamad: "Hamas put a stop to its resistance [terrorist attacks]. It respects the cease-fire. There has been a major change in policy."
the remaining symbol of Hamas’ political identity is resistance to
recognizing Israel – a symbolic measure in itself, for it affects the
life of no one. It clings to this even as its policies now acknowledge
recognition in any formal form will be a major symbolic concession to
the other side. Israel will probably eventually negotiate with Hamas,
in some combination with other Palestinian leaders. Recognition of
Israel is also a bargaining chip for that stage; one that would not
logically be surrendered beforehand.
committed ideological players in a conflict cannot be expected to
change rapidly or openly, and their symbolic identity will be the last
to go. But consider this: Turkish journalist Mustafa Akyol reads
Israel’s apology to Turkey as a sign of incremental openness to dealing
with moderate Islamic political forces. By analogy, we might hope that
Hamas’ empirical analysis of the situation has shifted, and its policy
has followed. Maybe its symbolic stance is next in line.
A rehearsal for the Somali group Waayaha Cusub, while in exile in Kenya.
Now the group is to headline at the Mogadishu music festival.
Photograph: Tony Karumba/AFP/Getty Images
Somali rapper leads rebirth of music n Mogadishu
after years of oppression
(Jessica Hatcher, Guardian UK, 3/28/31)
Shiine Akhyaar Ali took to the stage in Mogadishu this week, it was the
first time the Somali rap star had performed in his former hometown. It
was also the capital's first proper music festival in more than 25
hip-hop collective Waayaha Cusub is headlining the open-air Mogadishu
music festival, has been through a lot to get here. The group he formed
with fellow Somali refugees angered the Islamist militants who used to
run Mogadishu, with their lyrics attacking al-Shabaab and its al-Qaida
Who is Behind this trail of destruction?
They galvanize people on the street for their wicked cause
They profess to be Muslim yet wield machetes
2007, gunmen believed to be working for al-Shabaab fired 17 shots at
him and left him for dead in his adopted home, Nairobi. Ali was hit
five times but survived to fight back, using words as his weapon. "He's
Martin Luther King crossed with Tupac," said Daniel Gerstle, one of the
Cusub are among artists from seven countries playing in Mogadishu, a
city that used to have a thriving music scene. Al-Shabaab, the latest
insurgents to control the city during more than two decades of
conflict, banned music in 2009, forcing most musicians to quit or flee.
Even after the Islamists were chased out of Mogadishu in 2011, this
once diverse and bustling seafront city remains one of the world's most
dangerous places, with regular suicide bombs and assassinations.
organisers concerned that the festival will be a target for
anti-western militants, security is tight. Details and dates of the
five-day festival were kept secret until 12 hours before Wednesday's
opening ceremony, when about 200 young men and women attended an
invitation-only concert. By 10pm, the dancefloor was packed. "This has
never been seen before in Mogadishu," 23-year-old Abdi Kafi Hassan said.
festival is made up of a series of events spread over four days in
different locations. The schedule is fluid and venues have not been
publicly confirmed. The organisers are building towards the final
"reconciliation concert", open to all Somali young people, where a
crowd of more than 2,000 is expected. This may be held off until Monday
for security reasons. "It's baby steps," Gerstle said to the musicians
after last night.
festival consultant and veteran of running events in conflict zones,
said all the secrecy was necessary. "The fear of being attacked is
real," he said. "We are seen as such a legitimate target."
are held in secure compounds and accompanied by a pickup truck carrying
five private security guards armed with AK-47s whenever they leave
Ariana Delawari, who in 2011 became the first woman of Afghan descent
to perform live rock in Afghanistan, said she was nervous. "I'm
definitely way more scared to be in Somalia than Kabul," she said.
security isn't the only headache for organisers: logistics have proved
equally difficult. Brookman said among the various challenges was the
struggle to find enough metal piping to build a six-metre-high rig for
a young Somali woman to do acrobatics.
speakers, sound system, lighting and stage for the final concert are
all still on a cargo ship in the Indian Ocean, en route from the Kenyan
port of Mombasa. Driving the equipment overland was impossible, as it
would have meant crossing al-Shabaab lines.
whatever happens, the presence of al-Shabaab will be felt at the
festival. Ali said that, shortly after he arrived in Mogadishu, an
18-year-old named Muhammad came to see him at his hotel. Muhammad
confessed that he had been part of Amniat, al-Shabaab's intelligence
agency. He told Ali that al-Shabaab had lured him with the promise of
money, paradise and all the women he could ever want. He asked Ali
forgiveness for the attack on him and said that he wanted to take to
the stage at the festival to tell young Somalis that al-Shabaab was not
the way forward.
me to write a song about his story," said Ali, who will bring Muhammad
on stage on the final day of the festival. "He will tell others that
the promise of women and rape is not right."
And after Mogadishu, the music tour moves on to Dadaab in north-eastern Kenya, the biggest refugee camp in the world.
The 'Mavi Marmara' Photo: Reuters/Emrah Dalkaya
"Sorry" says Israel's Netanuyahu,
opening way for diplomatic relations with Turkey
(Sheera Frenkel, Hannah Allam and Roy Gutman, McClathcy Newspapers, 3/22/13)
Netanyahu apologizes to Turkey over Gaza flotilla
(Herb Keinon, Jerusalem Post, 3/22/13)
Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu apologized Friday to Turkish Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan, ending a nearly three-year-long feud in a phone call
brokered by President Barack Obama.
Obama said that "the timing was right" for Israel and Turkey to begin
repairing diplomatic relations, which were frozen when Israeli naval
commandos raided a Turkish ship, Mavi Marmara, that was attempting to
break an Israeli blockade on the Gaza Strip; nine Turkish nationals on
board were killed.
Netanyahu apologized for the raid Friday, admitting that there had been
"operational failures" and offering compensation for those killed.
Israeli officials said the phone conversation had lasted 10 minutes,
and by its end the two leaders had agreed to begin normalizing
diplomatic relations. Just four years ago, Turkey was considered one of
Israel’s closest allies in the region. The two countries staged regular
joint military training exercises and had an open line of communication
among the various divisions of their armed forces. Israeli pilots
trained in Turkish skies, improving their capability to carry out
long-range missions such as possible strikes against Iran’s nuclear
Netanyahu, in turn, can tell his intelligence and military echelons to
resume lucrative arms deals with Turkey and the sharing of information
vis a vis Iran, while Erdogan can boast that he forced an apology out
of the Israeli premier.
Erdogan’s office announced the Israeli apology. "Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu has apologized to the Turkish nation for all errors
that caused loss of life and injuries, and the Turkish prime minister
accepted this apology on behalf of the Turkish nation," the press
release said. It quoted Netanyahu as telling the Turkish premier that
Israel has lifted restrictions on the entrance of goods for civilians’
use to Palestinian territories including Gaza.
Turkey, for its part, agreed to drop all charges against a group of
former Israeli military commanders including former chief of staff
Lt.-Gen. (res.) Gabi Ashkenazi.
Netanyahu said he saw the interview that Erdogan gave the Danish
newspaper recently, in which Erdogan stepped back from his statement
equating Zionism with racism, and Netanyahu expressed his appreciation
for the clarification.
Erdogan had told Denmark’s Politiken newspaper that he would not take
back his comments from several weeks ago that Zionism was a crime
against humanity. He did, however, try to explain them as a
misunderstanding.“My several statements openly condemning anti-Semitism
clearly display my position on this issue. In this context, I stand
behind my remarks in Vienna,” said Erdogan in the interview, which was
Dan Arbell, a scholar of Middle East policy at the
Brookings Institution in Washington, wrote in December of small signs
that Turkey and Israel might finally be moving toward a rapprochement.
Turkey, he wrote, had tired of watching the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt
“take center stage” in orchestrating a cease-fire between Israel and
Hamas and felt marginalized on the most recent negotiations on Gaza. In
addition, Arbell added, as the Syrian crisis encroaches on Turkey’s
borders, the Erdogan administration would seek improved intelligence
cooperation with Israel.
In recent months, Israeli officials have expressed increased concern
that the ongoing civil war in Syria could spill out onto Israel’s
borders, and that the vast weapons stockpiles – including chemical
weapons and anti-aircraft systems – could make their way into the hands
of hard-line Islamist movements. Turkey shares similar concerns,
especially as hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees have sought
refuge in southern Turkey and used the border between the two countries
to plan attacks and move weapons into the hands of opposition forces
fighting against Syrian President Bashar Assad. Israeli officials have
pushed, in the past, for a contingency plan to be formed that would
secure not just Syria’s chemical weapons, but also other weapons
"Israel does not want to see a situation like that which happened in
Libya when (former Libyan leader Moammar) Gadhafi fell, when the
weapons went to the highest bidder. They do not want a free for all,"
said retired Israeli Brig. Gen. Michael Herzog.
Saturday, March 16, the Rachel Corrie Foundation Marks the
10th Anniversary of Rachel's Stand in Gaza with a Call to Action
excerpt from Rachel Corrie Foundation website:
Corrie was a 23-year-old American peace activist from Olympia,
Washington, who was crushed to death by an Israeli bulldozer on 16
March 2003, while undertaking nonviolent direct action to protect the
home of a Palestinian family from demolition.
Since her killing, an enormous amount of solidarity activities have been carried out in her name around the world.
March 16th, the Rachel Corrie Foundation marks the 10th anniversary of
Rachel’s stand in Gaza. It has been an extraordinary, challenging
ten-year journey for our organization, for the Corrie family, and for
those in our community and beyond who have worked tirelessly for
justice and peace in Palestine and Israel, in the world, and at home.
dynamic weekend of events will be a kick-off to a year of Peace Works
events. We encourage you to participate in the kick-off by
completing at least one action from our Call to Action.
Now, we call on you – individuals, organizations, and communities - to join us in these actions.
Caterpillar, Inc. now on its faulty actions and explanations!
Challenge the appearance of CAT’s Washington Director of Government
Affairs at AIPAC! Tell CAT to own up to its business with Israel
and to end its complicity in violations of human rights and
international law in Israel/Palestine. See how to help here.
President Obama to use his March Mideast trip to see for himself, to
demand compliance with U.S. laws and policies, and accountability for
how U.S. tax dollars are used by Israel. See how to help here.
your support for the rights of Palestinians that Rachel, many other
internationals, Israeli activists, and Palestinians have stood to
defend! Reflect, connect the dots, and strengthen your
community’s commitment to justice for Palestinians and peace in the
Mideast. See how to help here.
Rachel Corrie wrote,
international media and our government are not going to tell us that we
are effective, important, justified in our work, courageous,
intelligent, valuable. We have to do that for each other, and one
way we can do that is by continuing our work, visibly.”
this March anniversary as an opportunity to make some noise and be
visible in our support for equal rights for Palestinians,
accountability and justice, and an end to Israeli occupation!
remember, act, and celebrate together – how we (like Rachel) have stood
this past decade for justice, freedom, equality, and peace in the
Middle East and beyond – and let’s think together about how we move
ahead to make freedom for Palestine a reality.
A Palestinian youth is arrested by Israeli border policemen following clashes with Israeli forces at the Shuafat refugee camp
in Jerusalem on February 9, 2010 during the second day of an arrest operation.
(Menahem Kahana/AFP/Getty Images)
Israeli Abuse of Palestinian Children In Prison 'Systematic'
and 'Institutionalilzed' Says UN Report
(Huffington Post, Agence France Presse by Hazel Ward, 3/6/13)
Israel Mistreats Palestinian Children In Custody, UNICEF Reports
The United Nations Children Fund estimated that 700 Palestinian children aged 12-17,
most of them boys , are arrested, interrogated and detained by the Israeli military, police
and security agents every year in the West Bank
(Haaretz, Reuters 3/6/13)
children detained by the Israel Defense Forces are subject to
widespread, systematic ill-treatment that violates international law, a
UNICEF report concluded, outlining 38 recommendations to improve the
protection of children in custody.
Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) estimated that 700 Palestinian children
aged 12-17, most of them boys, are arrested, interrogated and detained
by the Israeli military, police and security agents every year in the
occupied West Bank, noting the rate was equivalent to "an average of
two children each day."
no other country are children systematically tried by juvenile military
courts that, by definition, fall short of providing the necessary
guarantees to ensure respect for their rights," it said.
the maximum sentence for children of 12 and 13 is six months, the
penalty rises dramatically from the age of 14 when a child can face a
maximum penalty of between 10 and 20 years depending on the
circumstances, it said.
the 22-page report that examined the Israeli military court system for
holding Palestinian children found evidence of practices it said were
"cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment according to the
Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention against
Foreign Ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor said officials from the
ministry and the Israeli military had cooperated with UNICEF in its
work on the report, with the goal of improving the treatment of
Palestinian minors in custody.
will study the conclusions and will work to implement them through
ongoing cooperation with UNICEF, whose work we value and respect," he
to the report, ill-treatment of Palestinian minors typically begins
with the arrest itself, often carried out in the middle of the night by
heavily armed soldiers, and continues all the way through prosecution
pattern of ill-treatment includes ... the practice of blindfolding
children and tying their hands with plastic ties, physical and verbal
abuse during transfer to an interrogation site, including the use of
painful restraints," the report said.
In some cases, they suffered prolonged exposure to the elements and a lack of water, food or access to a toilet.
it found no evidence of any detainees being "accompanied by a lawyer or
family member during the interrogation" and they were "rarely informed
of their rights."
interrogation mixes intimidation, threats and physical violence, with
the clear purpose of forcing the child to confess," it said, noting
they were restrained during interrogation, sometimes for extended
periods of time causing pain to their hands, back and legs.
have been threatened with death, physical violence, solitary
confinement and sexual assault, against themselves or a family member,"
Most children confess at the end of the interrogation, signing forms in Hebrew which they hardly understand.
found children had been held in solitary confinement for between two
days and a month before being taken to court, or even after sentencing.
court hearings, children were in leg chains and shackles, and in most
cases, "the principal evidence against the child is the child's own
confession, in most cases extracted under duress during the
interrogation," it found.
almost all children plead guilty in order to reduce the length of their
pretrial detention. Pleading guilty is the quickest way to be released.
In short, the system does not allow children to defend themselves,"
Most of the minors are arrested for throwing stones.
based its findings on more than 400 cases documented since 2009 as well
as legal papers, reports by governmental and non-governmental groups
and interviews with Palestinian minors and with Israeli and Palestinian
officials and lawyers.
Palestinians carry the body of Arafat Jaradat during his funeral in the West Bank village of Saeer.
Photograph: Ammar Awad/Reuters
Israel arrests Palestinian human rights activists
(by Jillian Kestler-D'amours, The Electronic Intifada, 3/01/13)
Palestinian Arafat Jaradat gets hero's funeral
after death in Israeli custody
officials say autopsy results show that Arafat was tortured during
Israeli interrogation and was bruised over his body with two broken
ribs (Guardain UK, 2/25/13)
Electronic Intifada article excerpt:
protests continue across Palestine in support of thousands of prisoners
languishing in Israeli jails, local organizations say that the Israeli
authorities have increased their pressure on Palestinian human rights
is a way to [break] the principle of solidarity between the Palestinian
people and the Palestinian prisoners, and the case of the Palestinian
prisoners in the conscience of the Palestinian people,” said Mourad
Jadallah, a legal researcher with Addameer, a Ramallah-based prisoners support group.
2012, Israeli soldiers arrested Jadallah’s colleague, Ayman Nasser,
from his home in the West Bank village of Saffa, near Ramallah, in the
middle of the night. He was taken to Jerusalem’s infamous Russian
Compound prison — Moskobiyyeh in Arabic — and kept in isolation for
weeks of interrogation.
reported that he was held in painful, stress-inducing positions during
interrogation sessions that sometimes lasted for more than 20 hours,
was barred from sleeping, psychologically intimidated and frequently
denied access to a lawyer and to proper medical care.
use of torture, the Israelis also coerced witnesses — other Palestinian
prisoners held in Israel — to incriminate Nasser. These witnesses later
testified in front of an Israeli military court that they gave false
statements ("The Shin Bet's dream investigation," Haaretz, 2/10/13) Nasser is currently being held in Israel’s Megiddo prison; his next hearing will take place on 4 March at Ofer military court.
pressure on Palestinian human rights defenders and organizations
continued unabated into 2013. Another case that has drawn widespread
criticism was the arrest and continued detention of 28-year-old
Palestinian activist Hassan Karajah, also from Saffa.
The youth coordinator at Stop the Wall,
a Palestinian grassroots movement against Israel’s wall in the West
Bank, Karajah was arrested from his home in the middle of the night on
arresting Hassan and taking him away, blindfolded and shackled, in an
Israeli army jeep, the soldiers confiscated computers, cell phones,
paperwork and family photos from the home, and threatened and
interrogated other family members.
one of the youth activists well-known within the youth circles in
Palestine. He is one of the recognized, youth leaders who can organize
[people],” said Jamal Juma’, coordinator of the Stop the Wall campaign.
trying to be aggressive and to finish their colonial project in the
West Bank. They don’t want any Palestinian, organized reaction. Anybody
that they think that he can be influential on the street, [with] the
people, of course he will be targeted because they want to continue
their project quietly,” Juma’ told The Electronic Intifada.
to Addameer, Karajah has lost 16 kilos (35 pounds) since his time in
prison began, and was not given the correct dosage of medication for
nerve damage in his leg.
Hassan as well as all the other Palestinian prisoners should be
[released]. There is no crime that has been committed, other than being
committed to their cause and their people and trying to defend the
rights of their people and the rights of humanity. [They] are in
[prison] for values that [they] believe in that don’t belong just to
Palestinians, but to the whole world,” Juma’ added.
Killed in custody Tens
of thousands took to the streets across Palestine earlier this week to
show their anger at a Palestinian prisoner’s death in Israeli prison.
Thirty-year-old Arafat Jaradat — a father of two from the West Bank
village of Sair — was killed in Megiddo prison on 23 February. An
autopsy revealed signs of torture on Jaradat’s body, including
laceration marks, broken bones, bruises and cuts.
death has drawn attention to what many say is the widespread use of
torture in Israeli interrogation centers and prisons, medical neglect
of prisoners, and the lack of accountability with which Israeli
According to Israeli human rights group B'Tselem,
between 2001 and 2011, 700 complaints were filed to the Israeli
attorney general on behalf of detainees alleging torture was used
against them. To date, not a single criminal investigation was launched
into these complaints ("Failure to investigate alleged cases of ill-treatment and torture" 1/1/11).
Kestler-D’Amours is a reporter and documentary filmmaker based in
Jerusalem. More of her work can be found at jkdamours.com.
A still from Emad Burnat's Oscar-nominated documentary 5 Broken Cameras.
Photograph: Majdi Mohammed/AP
The Israel-Palestine drama will play out at the Oscars
Awards ceremony will make history this year with the first ever
nomination of a feature documentary made by a Palestinian. 5 Broken
Cameras was filmed and directed by Emad Burnat, a resident of the
occupied Palestinian West Bank town
of Bil'in, along with his Israeli filmmaking partner Guy Davidi.
What does a
Palestinian farmer wear on the red carpet in Hollywood? We were almost
prevented from knowing, as Burnat, his wife and 8-year-old son were
detained at Los Angeles International Airport and threatened with
deportation. Despite his formal invitation from the Academy of Motion
Picture Arts and Sciences as an Oscar-nominated filmmaker, it took the
intervention of Oscar-winning documentarian Michael Moore, who now sits
on the Academy Board of Governors, followed by Academy attorneys, for
Burnat and his family to gain entry into the country.
5 Broken Cameras is in competition at the Oscars with an Israeli documentary, The Gatekeepers, a film that features interviews
with the six surviving former directors of Israel's Shin Bet, the
country's secret internal security service, which functions as a sort
of hybrid of the US FBI and CIA. In the film, all six condemn the
current practices of Israeli occupation and settlement expansion.
remarkable case of life imitating art, as celebrities gather for the
entertainment industry's biggest gala of the year, the Israel/Palestine
conflict is being played out on the streets of Tinseltown.
Hours after regaining his freedom, Burnat issued a statement that read:
"Last night, on my way from Turkey to Los Angeles, CA, my family and I
were held at US immigration for about an hour and questioned about the
purpose of my visit to the United States. Immigration officials asked
for proof that I was nominated for an Academy Award for the documentary
5 Broken Cameras and they told me that if I couldn't prove the reason
for my visit, my wife Soraya, my son Gibreel and I would be sent back
to Turkey on the same day."
He went on:
"After 40 minutes of questions and answers, Gibreel asked me why we were still waiting in that small room. I simply told him the truth: 'Maybe we'll have to go back.' I could see his heart sink."
birth in 2005 was the motivation for the film. Emad Burnat got his
first camera then, to record his fourth son growing up.
At that time, the government of Israel began building the separation
wall through Bil'in, provoking a campaign of nonviolent resistance from
the Palestinian residents and their supporters. As Burnat recorded the
protests, his cameras were smashed or shot, one by one, destroyed by
the violent response from the Israeli army and the armed Israeli
Dror Moreh is the Israeli director of The Gatekeepers. Moreh told me:
"The settlements are the biggest obstacle to peace. If there is
something that will prevent peace, it's the settlements and the
settlers. I think this is the largest and most influential and most
powerful group in Israeli politics. They're basically dictating the
policy of Israel in the last years. I think that definitely for the
Palestinians, the settlements are the worst enemy in their way to the
homeland. When they see everywhere, in Judea and Samaria now, the settlements that are built like mushrooms after rain,
they see how their country is shrinking."
Broken Cameras and The Gatekeepers are up for the Oscar against other
very compelling nominees: How to Survive a Plague, about the AIDS
epidemic; The Invisible War, about rampant, unprosecuted rape in the
U.S. military; and Searching for Sugar Man, about renewal for a
musician long thought dead.
Burnat finished his statement on his detention at Los Angeles International Airport:
"Although this was an unpleasant experience, this is a daily occurrence
for Palestinians, every single day, throughout the West Bank. There are
more than 500 Israeli checkpoints, roadblocks, and other barriers to
movement across our land, and not a single one of us has been spared
the experience that my family and I experienced yesterday. Ours was a
very minor example of what my people face every day."
of which documentary wins, the 2013 Oscars mark a historic shift in the
public dialogue on Israel/Palestine, a long-overdue shift to which 40
million television viewers will be exposed.
The Islamic Revolution’s founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (L)
greeted in 1979 in Tehran by
his supporters during his return to Iran
after 15 years in exile in Iraq and France
How Ayatollah Khomeini sanctioned the deaths
of 20,000 'enemies' of the state
tribunal at The Hague publishes a report illustrating the regime's
crimes against humanity (by Peter Popham, Independent UK 2/7/13)
horrors visited on tens of thousands of Iranians in the years after the
Islamic revolution were spelled out as the Iran Tribunal published its
final judgment. The Tribunal found that during the 1980s
the Islamic Republic was guilty of the murder of between 15,000 and
20,000 political prisoners.
the Russell Tribunal set up by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre to
investigate American war crimes during the Vietnam war, the Tribunal,
sitting in The Hague, set about documenting and publishing the crimes
against humanity committed by the Islamic regime that have been
referred to as Iran’s Srebrenica after the massacre by Ratko Mladic’s
Bosnian Serb forces on Muslims during the Balkan wars. British QC
(Queen's Counsel) Sir Geoffrey Nice, a member of the Tribunal’s
Steering Committee, told The Independent: “There are a number of such
tribunals around the world, but what is particularly striking about
this one is that it was started and seen to fruition not by lawyers but
by the Iranian diaspora itself, by people who had themselves been
It was in
1981 that Iran’s new Islamic government, with Ayatollah Khomeini as its
figurehead, rounded on the leftists and others who had come together
with the Islamists to bring down the autocratic rule of the Shah two
years earlier and gave them two choices: convert or be liquidated.
the 1980s the Islamic Republic of Iran went about arresting,
imprisoning and executing thousands upon thousands of Iranian citizens
because their beliefs and political engagements conflicted with the
regime,” the judges wrote. “The religious fervour of these crimes makes
them even more shocking: for instance, a woman’s rape was frequently
the last act that preceded her execution in Iran, as under the ‘Sharia’
law guidelines, the execution of a virgin female is non-permissible.”
Shekoufeh Sakhi, today writing a PhD thesis in Political Philosophy at
the University of Toronto, told the Tribunal how she had been forced to
sit blindfolded and motionless in a sort of coffin from dawn to late at
night while her jailers bombarded her with Islamist propaganda and
recordings of the “confessions” of fellow-prisoners who had been broken
by the torture.
Sakhi explained, there was nothing haphazard or unconsidered about the
regime’s long reign of terror. As a left-wing 14-year-old in Tehran she
had taken part in the uprising against the Shah alongside the
Islamists, but by 1982 things had changed. “Iran was now at war with
Iraq, and now the mood of the regime was, ‘if you’re not with us you’re
against us.’ Revolutionaries like me came to be seen as
counter-revolutionaries and fifth columnists. They rallied their base
support against us and divided the country in two.”
1981 there was a wave of arrests and summary executions. Ms Shekoufeh
went underground but the following February the Revolutionary Guards
arrested her. “It was amazing and bewildering,” she recalled. “Those
who had been in jail during the Shah’s time said this was much worse.
The big difference was that they weren’t going after big organisations
– my organisation had already fallen apart – but were collecting
everybody who had the motivation to be ‘different’. The jail was so
full of high school students you could hardly move. The project was
mass conversion.” The executions had been a way of softening up the
youth for conversion.
Shekoufeh who proved stubborn were given the “coffin” treatment – nine
months of sensory deprivation and complete immobility. “It was a
horrible psychological torture,” she said. “You couldn’t move, talk,
cough, sneeze, if you did they’d beat you up. There were constant
sermons and Islamic teaching classes through the loudspeakers. The
whole point was to empty the person of their own identity, making you
an empty shell then filling you up with their garbage. After two or
three months I felt I was losing my mind, losing control of my sense of
reality. A lot of people had nervous breakdowns.”
Geoffrey Nice commented, “The Tribunal is a very major thing. The most
important thing is that people can say what happened, they can put it
on the record. Now the UN could be pressed to have their own commission
Iran’s government was invited to the Tribunal but neither replied nor took part.
Maryam and Zainab Abdulhadi embrace inside Bahrain's airport upon Marjam's return from exile
Bahraini activist's triumphant return
Amid a groundswell of support for the Al-Khawaja family to win the Nobel Prize,
daughter Maryam ends her exile
(by Lawrence Weschler, Salon.com 1/11/13)
A worthy, necessary Nobel honoring the Arab spring
(by Lawrence Weschler, 1/11/13)
(first person of Lawrence Weschler)
The remarkable Al-Khawaja family continue to bedevil the dictatorial royal regime of Bahrain in ever more confounding ways.
article A worthy, necessary Nobel honoring the Arab spring I reported
on a growing worldwide groundswell of support behind the notion of the
entire Abdulhadi family being considered for this coming year’s
Nobel Peace Prize. I described, among other things, the 52-year-old
father Abdulhadi’s longtime commitment to nonviolent resistance in
support of democratic civil society and against the profoundly
repressive regime of the Al Khalafa royal family (local allies, alas,
of the United States, which stations its Fifth Fleet there in
Bahrain). I described his brutal arrest following the suppression
(largely by the neighboring Saudi army) of the short-lived Pearl
Revolution in early 2011; the farcical trial that ensued with its
apparently predetermined life sentence; the repudiation of that trial
(and others like it) by the regime’s own hand-selected International
Commission; the refusal of the regime to recognize its own commission’s
recommendations; the 110-day hunger strike that Abdulhadi launched in
early 2012 in response to the regime’s failure to honor those
recommendations; his eventual suspension of the hunger strike amid
regime assertions that the their own judiciary would be embarking on a
good-faith review of all those sentences; and the final court’s blithe
verdict reconfirming Abdulhadi’s ridiculous life sentence, and those of
all his colleagues in the civil society movement.
also described the ongoing brave activism of other members of
Abdulhadi’s family — his wife, two sons-in-law, and especially his two
daughters, 29-year-old Zainab (mother of a toddler) in Bahrain
(who has been arrested no less than seven times in the past two years
for undertaking demonstrations both alone and at the head of peaceful
throngs, as a result enduring countless months in prison herself); and
25-year-old Maryam on the outside, where, taking advantage of her
Danish citizenship (attained back in the ’90s when the family had
attained political asylum in the country), she has been tirelessly
advocating on behalf of her father and the cause of Bahraini and more
generally Gulf democracy in her role as the acting president of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR).
And now this press release from the BCHR:
Acting President of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights; and Deputy
Director for the Gulf Center for Human Rights, Maryam Al-Khawaja, has
decided to travel to Bahrain Friday, 11 January 2013.
purpose of Maryam Al-Khawaja’s trip to Bahrain is to visit her father
and uncle in prison as well as to see family members. Additionally, she
will be observing the human rights situation on the ground as her
colleagues Nabeel Rajab and Sayed Yousif AlMuhafdhah remain in prison.
decision to return was particularly brazen, given the regime’s repeated
denunciations of her activism abroad — and it definitely put
hard-liners in the country in a bind: Should they just allow the return
(given the activist’s remarkable effectiveness and the further
attention her return could bring to her family’s cause), or should they
stop her at the airport, refusing admittance to the country (thereby
only adding to her stature and fanning the flames of the international
campaign on the family’s and its movement’s behalf)?
Alkhawaja was granted a two week visa. However, a Bahraini human rights
activist who asked not to be named was quoted in a BBC story he
was fearful that Maryam could find herself serving a lengthy jail term.
“She could be charged over her tweets against the king and serve five
years under a new law that was passed in December,” he said. But
would the regime dare arrest her? And if it did, would such an
act have any other effect than simply to add to the luster of the
Al-Khawaja family’s brightening authority?
Relatives of Samir Awad mourn after the 17-year-old
died of gunshot wounds on 14 January.
(Issam Rimawi / APA images)
How the media let Israel get away with murder
(Charlotte Silver, Opinion/Editorial, The Electronic Intifada 1/17/13)
spends a lot of time talking about secure borders and how the need for
them drives its policies regarding the Palestinians. With few
exceptions, the media act as willing promoters of this perversion of
and 15 January, four young Palestinians — aged 17 to 22 — were shot
dead by Israeli occupation forces. The murders took place in the Gaza
Strip and at different points along Israel’s wall in the West Bank. In
all instances the Israeli army justified the use of lethal force by
invoking its need to protect the integrity of the wall and Israel’s
January, 22-year-old Anwar Mamlouk was reportedly just outside the
Jabaliya refugee camp in Gaza when Israeli soldiers gunned him down.
day, Odai al-Darawish, 21, was shot to death at three o’clock in the
afternoon while crossing Israel’s wall in the West Bank to get to work
in Israel. Initially, Israeli sources claimed the soldiers shot
al-Darawish in his legs, in accordance with the “rules of engagement”
("Israeli troops kill Palestinian trying to cross barrier", The Chicago
Tribune, 12 January 2013).
medical sources quickly revealed that he was hit in the back,
indicating that he was likely shot while trying to run to safety
("Israeli forces shoot, kill worker south of Hebron", Ma’an News Agency, 12 January 2013).
Jarad was aged 21 and a farmer from Beit Lahiya in the northern Gaza
Strip. He was shot in the forehead by an Israeli sniper on 14 January
while working his land.
al-Shifa hospital in Gaza City tried to remove the bullet from his
severely injured brain, but Jarad died after surgery.
Shooting a schoolboy
January, Samir Awad, a 17-year-old from Budrus, a West Bank village
located near Ramallah, was shot from behind in the head, torso and leg
while running away from soldiers.
just completed his last exam before school break and had joined a group
of boys to protest the wall. Samir’s family has lost five acres of land
with 3,000 olive trees due to the construction of Israel’s wall; Samir
had also been jailed three times for his participation in
demonstrations ("Israeli forces shot youth in back as he ran away say Palestinians", Guardian UK, 15 January 2013, see above photo).
reports of these murders have been scant where they exist at all. For
example, the press is in disagreement over the circumstances of Anwar
Mamlouk’s death. Reuters reported that Anwar’s brother, Hani, stated
that Anwar had been studying outdoors when he was shot ("Israeli forces kill Palestinian along border with Gaza: Hamas", NBC
News.com/Reuters, 11 January 2013).
however, relayed only the Israeli military’s version of events and
reported that Anwar had entered the “forbidden area” along Gaza’s
boundary with dozens of other Palestinians ("Gaza: Palestinian farmer killed by Israeli gunfire", BBC, 11 January 2013).
Shifting the blame
York Times took the murder of Samir Awad, the fourth in the spate of
Israeli willful killing of unarmed Palestinians, as an opportunity to
remark on the “growing unrest” in the West Bank, bizarrely shifting
culpability for the deaths onto Palestinians "Israeli forces kill Palestinian at barrier", NYT, 15 January 2013).
reporter Isabel Kershner pivots the focus of the January 14 murder away
from Israel’s trigger-happy soldiers operating in a world of endless
and unquestioned impunity and onto Palestinians’ “simmering
restiveness”; their increased participation in “disturbances” of the
“relative stability” that Israel has tried to maintain; and their “dire
financial crisis that has prevented the Palestinian Authority … from
paying … government workers.”
there is no explanation provided as to why the PA has not been able to
pay its tens of thousands of workers, namely that Israel has stolen the
Palestinians’ tax and customs duty funds.
Omitting key facts
This is how
The New York Times turns the cold-blooded murder of a teenage boy into
a deliberately obfuscating story that describes an opaque haze of
“tensions” and “growing unrest.”
exonerating cloud of ambiguity is kept afloat by the newspaper’s
methodical omission of facts: not only the facts of the recent murders,
but those of the countless incursions, demolitions and violence that
Israel perpetrates against Palestinians every week ("Weekly report on Israeli human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territory", Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, 10 January 2013).
the kind of facts that, if properly reported by the journal of record,
would allow readers to know that it is Israel who is the violator of
the terms of the country’s own precious “borders.” Proper reportage
would give stark and unassailable lie to the notion that it in order to
protect these borders, it must shoot and kill innocent men and boys, or
women and girls.
Deferring to Israel
truth of what happened to the four dead Palestinians lies outside
stories in which gunned-down youths are identified by their intentions
to trespass, and in which the wall is described as designed to keep out
“terrorists.” Yet the BBC, The New York Times, Reuters and AP all
deferred to Israeli military sources to report on the deaths of four
young people. The result is that their readers are told that Israeli
soldiers followed the proper protocol to protect Israel’s sovereignty
notable exception of British newspapers the Guardian and The
Independent ("Did Israeli troops deliberately provoke boy, only to shoot him in the back?" Independent, UK 16 January 2013), the media
dutifully joined ranks with the State of Israel, grinding out the
useful fiction that implicates these dead young Palestinians as menaces
to the security and stability supposedly maintained by the chimera of
borders, it’s exceedingly likely that the grief-stricken parents of the
slain youths would love to see the existence of any kind of boundary on
Israel that might protect their children from the presence of a
threatening, violent and usurping entity.
Charlotte Silver is a journalist based in occupied Palestine and San Francisco. Follow her on Twitter: @CharESilver.
Will 2013 be the year American Jews secede from Israel?
If AmericanJews think what is being done in their name is self-destructive and oppressive,
it stands to reason they would want it to stop
(Bradley Burston Blog, Haaretz 1/01/13)
note: above link requires registration
the new year dawns, there are mounting signs that 2013 may be the year
in which U.S. Jews – in the main, liberal in outlook, committed to
tolerance, pluralism, and a vigorous, sincere pursuit of peace –
effectively secede from this state of Israel.
committed to supporting the existence of an Israel which balances
Israeli and Jewish culture with respect for minority rights, democratic
values. They will stay active in promoting the welfare of Israel's
American Jews are already distancing themselves in word and deed from a
government it sees as arrogant and short-sighted, enslaved to a runaway
train of settlement, dismissive of the rights of Palestinians and other
non-Jews, cold to the concerns of a sinking middle class and the
drowning disadvantaged, contemptuous of the concerns of the larger
catalysts: settlement expansion - especially as it strikes at
Israeli-Palestinian peace prospects and mocks Washington – and
backhanded insensitivity to the rights and ritual of non-Orthodox Jews.
weeks, some of Israel's most influential defenders in the States have
warned of hardline Israeli policies and parties which could lead "to
the destruction (the self-destruction) of Israel" (Jeffrey Goldberg),
and "national suicide" (Thomas Friedman).
Israelis who will do anything not to be reminded that American support,
anchored by U.S. Jewry, is the strategic asset which makes all other
strategic assets possible. The 2012 election, after all, saw prominent
members of the ruling Likud-Beiteinu, notably Knesset Deputy Speaker
Danny Danon, actively campaigning for the defeat of President Obama.
But that was then.
Israel's election campaign nears its home stretch, the heavily favored
Likud-Beiteinu party, which encompasses the principal authors of nearly
all of the anti-democratic legislation of the last four years, offers
fresh voices and perilous new avenues for alienating American Jews from
for example, Moshe Feiglin, who will enter the Knesset following the
January 22 election. Something of his political philosophy can be
gleaned from a 2004 article on radical settlers, in which Feiglin spoke
to Goldberg, then writing in the New Yorker:
non-Jews have a say in the policy of a Jewish state?” Feiglin said to
me. “For two thousand years, Jews dreamed of a Jewish state, not a
democratic state. Democracy should serve the values of the state, not
destroy them.” In any case, Feiglin said, “You can’t teach a monkey to
speak and you can’t teach an Arab to be democratic. You’re dealing with
a culture of thieves and robbers. Muhammad, their prophet, was a robber
and a killer and a liar. The Arab destroys everything he touches.”
Jews want to know what is being done in their name. In the name of
Judaism. And if they think that it is self-destructive, oppressive,
blockheaded and wrong, it stands to reason they would want it to stop.
Jews are tiring of being told that opposing Israel's policies puts
Israelis in danger. Blackmail is not persuasion. If the hard right is
so certain that it can get along without American Jewish support, it
may all too soon get the chance to find out.
Fighters of the hard-line Salafi group Ansar Dine in August. The group has controlled Timbuktu
and much of northern Mali since a coup d’état and a successful revolt against the central authority in March.
Romaric Hien/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
France launches air strikes on Mali rebels; Al-Qaeda linked fighters pushed back from key town
(Al Jazeera 1/12/13)
France Battling Islamists in Mali
(NY Times 1/11/13)
Islamist's Harsh Justice is on the Rise in North Mali
(NY Times 12/18/12)
combined excerpt and background:
international standoff with Islamists controlling northern Mali took a
decisive turn on Friday, as French forces engaged in an intense battle
to beat back an aggressive rebel push into the center of the Mali which
is a former French colony.
been in flux since a March coup allowed Islamists and Tuareg
separatists to seize the entire northern half of the country.
to an urgent plea for help from the Malian government, French
airstrikes have halted the advance of Islamist rebels in the key town
of Konna as more than 100 people were reported to have been killed in
the fighting. Konna is considered a gateway towards the capital
Bamako 375 miles further south.
Mohamed, spokesman for Islamist group Ansar Dine who along with
Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (A.Q.I.M.) operate a drug trafficking
and kidnap economy in northern Mali told Al Jazeera: "The
terrorist French military bombed Konna. The hospitals are now filled
with the injured - women, children and the elderly are the main
victims." "It's impossible to know how many have been killed, but
the number is huge," he said. "Only five of those killed were our
fighters. The rest are all innocent civilians."
(see video at above Al Jazeera headline link: "Ansar Dine spokesman and analyst comment on Mali")
was only two months ago that [French President] Francois Hollande said
there would be no combat troops on the ground," said Al Jazeera's Rory
Challands, reporting from Paris.
yesterday evening, he said not only were French troops being sent to
Mali, but that they were already there. Things are moving incredibly
official in Mali said the fighters had been driven out of Konna, but
that the city, which was captured by the rebels earlier this week, was
not yet under government control.
introduction of Western troops upends months of tortured debate over
how — and when — foreign nations should confront the Islamist seizure
of northern Mali. The Obama administration and governments around the
world have long been alarmed that a vast territory roughly twice the
size of Germany could so easily fall into the hands of extremists,
calling it a safe haven where terrorists were building their ranks and
seeking to extend their influence throughout the region and beyond.
months, the Islamists have appeared increasingly unshakable in their
stronghold, carrying out public amputations, whippings and stonings as
the weak Malian army retreated south and African nations debated how to
find money and soldiers to recapture the territory.
(See above related article link: "Islamist's Harsh Justice is on the Rise in North Mali")
President Hollande said the operation is aimed in part at protecting
the 6,000 French citizens in Mali, seven of whom are being held captive.
Desire Ouedraogo, the Economic Community Of West African States
(ECOWAS) commission president, said on Saturday that the bloc had
authorized the immediate deployment of troops to Mali.
The organisation has been talking for months about a military operation to oust the rebel groups from northern Mali.
Islamist groups Ansar Dine and A.Q.I.M. have been a presence for years
in the forests and deserts of Mali, a country hobbled by poverty and a
relentless cycle of hunger.
Islamists provoked a military strike by capturing the village of Konna
remained unclear. While the UN approved a plan for deployment, it had
not been expected until September and even then it was not expected to
include Western forces.
prize the Islamists evidently sought — capturing the major Malian
government airfield nearby in Sévaré, which is vital for any military
intervention in the north of Mali — seemed to be outside their grasp on
the Islamists, moreover, is a far cry from retaking the north. While
tens of thousands of civilians have fled the area, many others remain
in the ancient city of Timbuktu and other towns under Islamist control,
leaving them highly vulnerable in the event urban warfare breaks out.
Israeli tank in Beirut in 1982.
Photograph: David Rubinger/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Image
Arabs are 'losing faith' in America: lessons from Lebanon 1982
declassified secret British government documents shed light on the
elusive search for an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement (Ian Black,
Guardin UK, 1/04/13)
British state papers declassified from
1982 – the traditional three decades after the event, provide still
relevant insights into the 1982 Lebanon war .
The war began in a sense in London, where, on June 3, a Palestinian
gunman shot the Israeli ambassador, Shlomo Argov. It was clear from the
start that the hit team was not from the PLO but from the dissident
Iraqi-backed outfit run by Abu Nidal, Yasser Arafat's sworn enemy.
Israel's prime minister, Menachem Begin, egged on by his defense
minister, Ariel Sharon, went to war against the PLO in Lebanon anyway.
"Abu Nidal, Abu Shmidal," another Israeli minister said.
Then, as now, Washington was where things happened, and it was American
envoys who tried to cobble together a ceasefire. There was also some
discomfort. "The Americans are concerned at the extent to which the
Israelis have misled them at every stage of their Lebanese operation,"
the British ambassador reported after meeting Alexander Haig, Reagan's
secretary of state. "There are continuing divisions within the
administration but it looks increasingly likely that, as usual, the
pro-Israeli faction will have its way."
Brian Urquhart, a senior British UN
official, had a "blazing row" with a US diplomat and demanded pressure
on the Israelis to allow humanitarian access since "the Americans and
the other Arabs were apparently not prepared to do anything in the face
of what looked like mass murder of the Palestinians by the Israelis."
back to Guardian UK excerpt:
Dore note: The following is a quote from pg. 200 of John Quigley's book Palestine and Israel: A Challenge to Justice:
"... in June 1982 Israel again invaded Lebanon, and it used aerial
bombardment to destroy entire camps of Palestinian Arab refugees. By
these means Israel killed 20,000 persons, mostly civilians, and while
it occupied southern Lebanon it incarcerated 15,000 persons, according
to the Internationl Committee of the red Cross..."
"Israel claimed self-defense for its invasion, but the lack of PLO
attacks into Israel during the previous year made that claim dubious..."
Of the Lebanon war material released so
far by the British National Archives, the most riveting document is a
secret "UK Eyes Alpha" assessment by the Joint Intelligence Committee
on June 22 1982. Its insights remain valid, mutatis mutandis, to this
The deputy manager of al-Aqsa TV, Mohamed Abou Oun,
"Much of the Arab world sincerely believes that the United States
administration had connived in, if not positively blessed, the Israeli
invasion. Many of the moderate Arab leaders, including the Jordanians,
Saudis and Egyptians are dismayed that the United States has failed to
use its leverage over Israel effectively to deter new aggression and to
prevent occupation of more Arab land. The perception that the United
States has acquiesced in the Israeli action will be seen as evidence of
double standards when the administration is condemning the use of force
to settle disputes in other parts of the world.
"It has all but destroyed, for the time being, Arab faith in the
willingness of the United States to use its leverage with Israel to
obtain a solution to the Palestinian problem which takes account of
Dore note: The above quote is from 1982 and 30 years later it is as true today as it was then.
inspects the car that two al-Aqsa cameraman were riding in
when an Israeli missile struck them in Gaza City on November 20, 2012.
The Israeli military said that Mahmoud al-Kumi, 29, and Hussam Salama, 30,
were “Hamas operatives” but gave no information to support the claim.
© 2012 Fred Abrahams/Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch Report
Unlawful Israeli Attacks on Palestinian Media;
"Anyone responsible for deliberately or recklessly committing a serious violation
of the laws of war should be prosecuted for war crimes."
(Human Rights Watch, 12/20/12)
Killing the Messenger;
Israel's campaign of targeting Gaza's journalists
is the latest chapter in a history of violence against local media
(Murtaza Hussain, Al Jazeera Opinion, 12/20/12)
Human Rights Watch excerpt:
Four Israeli attacks on journalists and
media facilities in Gaza during the November 2012 fighting violated the
laws of war by targeting civilians and civilian objects that were
making no apparent contribution to Palestinian military operations.
The Israeli government asserted that each of the four attacks was on a
legitimate military target but provided no specific information to
support its claims. After examining the attack sites and interviewing
witnesses, Human Rights Watch found no indications that these targets
were valid military objectives.
“Just because Israel says a journalist was a fighter or a TV station
was a command center does not make it so,” said Sarah Leah Whitson,
Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Journalists who praise
Hamas and TV stations that applaud attacks on Israel may be
propagandists, but that does not make them legitimate targets under the
laws of war.”
Israeli officials sought to justify attacks on Palestinian media by
saying the military had targeted individuals or facilities that “had
relevance to” or were “linked with” a Palestinian armed group, or had
“encouraged and lauded acts of terror against Israeli civilians.” These
justifications, suggesting that it is permissible to attack media
because of their associations or opinions, however repugnant, rather
than their direct participation in hostilities, violate the laws of war
and place journalists at grave risk, Human Rights Watch said.
Official statements that reflect the
military having adopted an unlawful basis for attacks are evidence of
war crimes because they show intent.
Under international humanitarian law, or
the laws of war, journalists and media workers are civilians and
therefore immune from attack unless they are directly participating in
France recognizes Algeria colonial suffering;
On November 20, the IDF targeted a car on a Gaza City street with two
cameramen from al-Aqsa TV, Mahmoud al-Kumi, and Hussam Salama, killing
them both. The deputy head of al-Aqsa TV, which is the official
television station of the Hamas government in Gaza, told Human Rights
Watch that al-Kumi and Salama were cameramen covering the conflict and
were returning from filming in al-Shifa Hospital in a car marked “TV.”
The two men’s families, interviewed separately, said the men were
neither participating in the fighting nor members of any armed group.
Human Rights Watch found no evidence, including during visits to the
men’s homes, to contradict that claim. Hamas’s armed wing, al-Qassam
Brigades, has not put either man on its official list of killed
fighters– an unlikely omission if the men had been playing a military
Al-Kumi, 29, was married with three children, ages two, four, and five.
Salama, 30, was married with four children, ages eight months, two,
three, and five.
“He did not fight for Hamas or Fatah – nothing,” Salama’s father,
Mohamed Salama, told Human Rights Watch. “He had nothing to do with any
of the factions.”
The IDF provided no specific information that the men were Hamas
fighters or otherwise directly participating in the hostilities.
Israeli government spokesman Mark Regev said that those working for Hamas media cannot be considered journalists.
When asked in a television interview about the attack on the Shawa and
Housari Building, Regrev said that the IDF had targeted Hamas
“communications facilities” on the roof and that no foreign journalists
were hurt. When pressed about the seven wounded media workers on the
floor below, he replied: “There is the al-Aqsa station, which is a
station that is a Hamas command and control facility, just as in other
totalitarian regimes the media is used by the regime for command and
control and also for security purposes. From our point of view, that’s
not a legitimate journalist.”
Regev and other Israeli officials provided no information to
substantiate the claim that al-Aqsa TV or al-Quds TV were operating as
command and control facilities in either of the high-rise buildings or
elsewhere in Gaza.
“Israeli officials have dangerously
and unlawfully blurred the distinction between civilians who call for
or support military attacks and those who directly participate in
attacks,” Whitson said. “This claimed justification for attacking
civilians opens the door to war crimes.”
Under the laws of war, it is unlawful to attack facilities that shape
public opinion, such as the media; neither directly contributes to
Radio and television antenna towers are civilian objects protected from
attack, making the attacks on the two buildings unlawful, Human Rights
A Human Rights Watch visit to the building one week after the strikes
and interviews with employees from four of the five offices, including
al-Sawaf, uncovered no information to suggest that any of them were
used for military operations. In the absence of a demonstrated military
objective, the strikes over two days were unlawful attacks on civilian
objects, Human Rights Watch said.
Shrapnel from one of the munitions on November 21 struck an apartment
across the street, killing two-year-old Abdulrahman Naim and wounding
his brother and cousin.
International law obligates states to investigate serious violations of
the laws of war. Victims of violations and their families should be
promptly and adequately compensated. Anyone responsible for
deliberately or recklessly committing a serious violation of the laws
of war should be prosecuted for war crimes.
The armed conflict between Israel and Hamas and armed groups in Gaza
from November 14 to 21 involved unlawful attacks on civilians by both
sides. At least 103 Palestinian civilians and four Israeli civilians
died during the fighting.
President Francois Hollande tells Algeria's parliament French rule in Algeria was "brutal and unfair""
(Al Jazeera, 12/20/12)
Falling short of an apology, President
Francois Hollande has acknowledged France's colonization of Algeria was
"brutal and unfair".
"For 132 years, Algeria was
subjected to a brutal and unfair system: colonization. I acknowledge
the suffering it caused," Hollande told the Algerian parliament on
Thursday on the second and final day of a landmark visit to the North
"We respect the act of memory, of all the memories. There is a
duty of truth on the violence, the injustices, the massacres and the
torture," he said of the 1954-1962 Algerian war which ended in Algerian
independence and France's withdrawal.
Referring to specific atrocities, Hollande cited the massacres at
Guelma, Kherrata and Setif, where nationalist unrest that broke out at
the end of World War II was brutally suppressed by French forces,
leaving thousands dead.
"On May 8, 1945, when the world triumphed over brutality, France forgot its universal values," Hollande said.
The truth "must also be spoken about the circumstances in which
Algeria was delivered from the colonial system, in this war whose name
was not mentioned in France for a long time, the Algerian war" of
independence, he added.
"Establishing the truth is an obligation that ties Algerians and
French. That's why it is necessary that historians have access to the
Al Jazeera's Jacky Rowland, said that Hollande's statement marked
a landmark shift in France's attitude to Algeria by recognizing in
clear unequivocal terms that the colonial system was profoundly unjust
Rowland said Hollande's statement was met by a rapturous applause
and has begun a new chapter for relationships between the two
countries, but that there is still room for more development in coming
The French president said after
arriving in Algeria on Wednesday that he had not come to say "sorry"
for the crimes committed during the colonial period.
But he stressed the importance of recognizing what happened as a
way of beginning a new era in relations between the two countries,
bound together by human, economic and cultural ties.
More than half a million Algerians live in France, and hundreds
of thousands hold French nationality, but many others are frustrated at
not being able to obtain visas and seek a better life in Europe.
Hollande promised to "better accommodate" Algerians seeking to
move to France and to streamline the visa process, saying that doing so
was of "mutual interest".
It is necessary to "manage the flow of migrants" but the demand
for visas "must not become an obstacle course, or worse still, a
humiliation," he told the Algerian parliament.
On arrival, Hollande was received with full honours by his
Algerian counterpart Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and said he wanted relations
between their countries to be a "strategic partnership between equals".
The leaders later signed a declaration of friendship and co-operation.
The socialist president, accompanied by a 200-strong delegation,
visits Algeria after a period of lukewarm ties under his right-wing
predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy.
Help and Hope for Gazan Children
Middle East Children's Alliance
is working on specific projects on behalf of Palestinian children (Click to donate to MECA)
MECA founder and Executive Director Barbara Lubin
wrote the below letter from Gaza this past week:
I have spent this past week in Gaza and have so much I want to share with you.
I met with friends, partners and many people on the streets and in the
camps. There is so much physical and psychological devastation after
the November attacks on Gaza. So much emphasis is placed on food and
medicine in times of crisis, which is obviously needed and important.
But I believe the most important medicine we can give the children of
Gaza is providing programs that assist children in understanding their
pain and moving forward so they can have healthy and happy lives. This
medicine does not come from taking a pill. It comes from committed
professionals, like the amazing women I have met here in Gaza. They are
psychologists, social workers, teachers and art therapists, who spend
each day healing the wounds of war.
After careful consideration and consultations with many of our local
partners in Gaza, we have chosen to invest the donations so many of you
generously made for MECA's relief work into pyscho-social programs.
MECA is working in partnership with the Red Crescent Society and Afaq
Jadeeda Association to reach children who have been directly impacted
by Israeli attacks and to train mothers and caregivers in how to
support the children in their community during this traumatic time.
At MECA we understand that when illnesses are caused by polluted and
salinated water, the solution is not to send medicine after they get
sick. Rather, we provide safe, clean drinking water so they do
not get sick in the first place. So while the movement for an end to
the Israeli siege and occupation grows, MECA is doing what we can to
help Palestinian children in Gaza thrive today.
On Monday I accompanied a team of psychologists and social workers from
the Red Crescent Society as they led a session for 18 children. When
the children arrived, the expressions on their faces were something I'd
never seen before—little eye contact, expressionless and very fearful.
But after an hour and a half, the Red Crescent staff had most of the
children smiling, laughing and expressing their emotions through art,
counseling, and group exercises. Some children will need more
intense psychiatric assistance, and the aid you provide will help MECA
deliver this service to the children in need. I was so proud to
be supporting this vital work and I know you will be too.
Ali Farka Toure
Ali Farka Toure's Music Banned in Northern Mali
(Thomeas Fessy, BBC 12/6/12)
In northern Mali, music silenced
as Islamists linked to al-Queda drive out artists
(Sudarsan Raghavan, Washington post 12/6/12)
BBC article excerpted:
After making northern Mali's "Blues"
music famous around the world, Ali Farka Toure is a legend in his home
town of Niafunke, where he was mayor until his death in 2006.
The memorial to him is still intact but his music is no longer heard in the town's streets.
"The town has gone silent," says 28-year-old farmer Ousmane Maiga (not his real name) over the phone. "It's way too quiet".
Islamist militants linked to al-Qaeda have taken over Niafunke, which
sits on the banks of the river Niger 100km (60 miles) south-west of
They have introduced a strict social code: Women and girls must be
covered, young men cannot wear loose trousers and all forms of music
Residents say two young men were whipped last month after they were caught smoking tobacco.
Toure was just one of a host of stars who have turned music into one of Mali's best known exports.
"Music is so much part of our culture," says Mr Maiga. "It's everywhere
here, I miss listening to it over tea with my friends on the weekend. I
miss attending wedding ceremonies and baptisms."
All time great
It was the music of northern Mali that Toure took to the world, its
lilting, mournful tones reaching an international audience when he
teamed up with his US soulmate, Ry Cooder, to produce the
Grammy-winning album Talking Timbuktu in 1994.
He was ranked by Rolling Stone magazine
as among the 100 great guitarists of all time and starred in the Martin
Scorsese documentary, Feel Like Going Home, which traced the roots of
the blues back to West Africa.
But these roots are now threatened. Niafunke and other towns in northern Mali have been plunged into a cultural darkness.
Islamist extremists have banned everything they deem to be against Sharia, or Islamic law.
"They are destroying our culture," says another of Mali's most famous singers, Salif Keita.
"If there's no music, no Timbuktu, it means that there is no more
culture in Mali," he adds, sitting in the grounds of his home on the
small island he owns on the river Niger outside the capital, Bamako.
Keita is referring to the destruction in June of the ancient shrines in
Timbuktu's mosques. The buildings were Unesco World Heritage Sites but
considered by the Islamists to be idolatrous.
Dozens of musicians have fled south since the crisis began, among them Khaira Arby "the Voice of the North".
She cannot return to her home in Timbuktu because Islamists have
threatened to cut out her tongue, according to members of her band who
have also fled south.
She first stayed with a cousin but has resigned herself to renting a
house in Bamako after she realised that she could be displaced for
longer than she thought.
Gaza Diary Part 1
(Greg Manahan, Aljazeera 11/26/12)
Gaza Diary Part 2
(Greg Manahan, Aljazeera 11/27/12)
"Islamists have jammed radio airwaves,"
she tells me while her guitarists and percussionist adjust their
instruments for an evening rehearsal in her small living-room.
The two guitars are plugged into one small amplifier producing a
heavily distorted sound. The band's equipment was looted when rebels
marched into Timbuktu.
Arby sits on the edge of her sofa. She looks sad, but soon her eyes close and her voice climbs and falls with the guitar riffs.
Song completed, she tries to make sense of what is happening to her
country. "They're even confiscating mobile phones and replacing
ringtones with Koranic verses," she laments.
From Timbuktu to Gao, telephones have become the only way to listen to
music lately. Those who have risked turning a stereo on have
immediately attracted the attention of the Islamist police. Their
equipment would be either seized or smashed.
Now mobile phones with memory cards are the main target for Islamist militants bent on banishing music.
The country's transitional authorities are divided and seemingly
incapable of reclaiming the north of the country from the Islamists.
Plans to dispatch a regional peacekeeping force have yet to be put into
All the while the threat to the culture of Mali mounts. The destruction
of the shrines in Timbuktu and the silencing of the country's rich
tradition of music highlight the threat posed by the Islamists.
"It's like a whole new life for us," according to the farmer Ousmane
Maiga. "A life we haven't chosen under the constant watch of people who
pretend to live according to Islam."
Greg Manahan, an Irish peace activist,
recounts his time spent in Gaza - from arriving shortly before the
assassination of Ahmed Jabari to his departure after Israel's assault
was in full swing.
In part 1, Manahan arrives in Gaza to do a film about an Irish ship
attacked by Israel and goes on to explore ordinary life and civil
society in the small territory - shortly before Israel launched its
Operation "Pillar of Defence".
In part 2, Manahan goes to hospitals and meets people critically injured by Israel's bombing of the Gaza Strip.
Though the best arable land in Gaza is along its south-eastern border,
all of that land has been bulldozed by military activity, which has
stripped Gaza of much of its vital food basket. Rizq Abu
Ridah, one of my companions, explained that, depending on who the
Israeli commander is on any particular day, the location of the
"no-man's-land" changes. Some days the Gazans in the area can farm what
little is available to them - on other days, if they labour in the same
area they will be shot at.
Our host, the clan patriarch, Abu Ayman,
took care to tell me that all of the food - the cheese, humus, olive
oil and breads - were made from locally grown produce on their farms,
but that their yields were becoming smaller every year due to the
Israeli army encroaching further into their land. This, he said, was a
problem facing all farmers in the Gaza Strip.
My driver, whom the government had provided, pointed out a water tower
to me in the middle of the town of Khuzaa. He said: "Teen martyr,
Israeli rocket." The teenager, he said, and another young man, had been
effecting repairs on the tower - which is one of the few ways the
people of rural Gaza can collect fresh, clean water - when the Israeli
controllers of the camera tower, which is about 700m over the border,
ordered a strike, which had killed the teenager. I asked when this had
happened. "Two weeks ago," was the reply. This would have been one of
the presumably targeted killings that is never, in my view, reported in
Gaza, tragically, is unique in having a Ministry of Detainees. It is
referred to as "the prisoners' ministry". According to B'Tselem, the
Israeli human rights NGO, and the NGO Addameer, an organisation of
prisoners' lawyers, there are currently nearly 5,000 Palestinian
political prisoners in Israeli custody. These include, the groups say,
children, 10 members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, and 189
women. In addition, they say 186 Palestinians are on "administrative
detention" - which is a form of internment without charge or trial, in
which a military commander can order detention for six months and renew
it again after six months - and do this as many times as he likes.
I saw a young woman writing down details
given by an elderly lady who leaned on a stick. I asked one of my
translators to find out what was happening. She told me that the woman
was blind and was dictating a letter to her imprisoned son. I brought
my camera forward and sat down with her. Her voice showed little
emotion; she seemed resigned. "Mustafa, my son, has been in prison for
22 years," she told me. I asked her what he had done. "He was a member
of the resistance."
5 Lies the Media Keeps Repeating About Gaza
I asked her how often she visited her son. "I'm not allowed to," she
replied. I followed up by asking her when was the last time she had
heard from him. "Twelve years ago." I was speechless.
Many more female protesters told similar tales of separation and of not knowing how their children were.
Back at the ministry, I was shown a prisoners' museum. This is a grim
vista of medieval horrors that apparently displays the various methods
of stress positions and torture that released prisoners have described
on their return from Israeli prisons. Around the walls there were
pictures of the prisoners who, the ministry says, succumbed to the
torture and are now considered "martyrs".
As a documentary filmmaker, I wanted to see the institutions that
supported ordinary civil society life in Gaza. I was particularly
intrigued to meet the man who had gone so far out of his way to assist
my arrival in Gaza, Dr Mofeed Mukhalality, and I spoke with him at the
Ministry of Health. We discussed the issues facing the Gaza
Strip's healthcare system. "The main problems we have as a result of
the siege are lack of medicines, medical disposables, equipment and
I then asked about clinical problems that were unique to Gaza. He had
an extensive list: "Malnutrition, severe burns from candles which catch
fire in small poor dwellings, congenital diseases and cancers that we
can't explain. We have people presenting with myocardial infarction in
What were the causes? "Poor diet and stress."
Dr Barquoni spoke at length to explain the congenital diseases that
have only started manifesting, he said, in the past few years. He said
that he and his colleagues were seeing children with Gulf War syndrome.
In his experience, Gaza was the only place outside of Iraq, the United
Kingdom and the United States to have young patients with these
I asked him if he was accusing Israel of using depleted uranium
munitions. "I don't know for sure because I need a study done of the
land and the patients, and I have the resources for neither," he
responded. One thing he did make clear was that these patients all came
from the border areas with Israel, where the highest concentrations of
tank fire by Israeli forces had occured.
The Minister for Sport, Culture and Youth Affairs greeted us at the
stadium - a site which Israeli forces completely destroyed on November
17. The Minister invited us to attend a cultural festival with both
Palestinian and Egyptian performers. We accepted the invitation and
made our way to the studios of Al Aqsa TV, the government-run TV
station. This site too was destroyed on November 18.
(Omar Baddar, Huffinton Post, 11/19/12)
As Israel continues to pound Gaza, the
Palestinian death toll of the latest round of violence has crossed the
100 mark. Thus far, the American media has given Israeli officials and
spokespersons a free pass to shape the narrative of this conflict with
falsehoods. Here are the top 5 lies the media doesn't challenge about
the crisis in Gaza:
1. Israel Was Forced to Respond to Rockets
to Defend Its Citizens
CNN, like many other American outlets,
chose to begin the story of the latest round of violence in Gaza on
November 10th, when 4 Israeli soldiers were wounded by Palestinian
fire, and the IDF "retaliated" by killing several Palestinians. But
just two days before, a 13 year old Palestinian boy was killed in an
Israeli military incursion into Gaza (among other fatalities in
preceding days). Is there any reason why those couldn't be the starting
point of the "cycle of violence"? The bias was even more blatant in
2008/09, when Israel's massive assault on Gaza (which killed 1400+
Palestinians) was cast as self-defense, even though it was acknowledged
in passing that Israel was the party that broke the ceasefire agreement
in place at the time. Are the Palestinians not entitled to
self-defense? And if indiscriminate Palestinian rocket fire is not an
acceptable response to Israeli violence (which it absolutely isn't),
how can indiscriminate Israeli bombings of Gaza ever be acceptable? And
why is the broader context, the fact that Gaza remains under Israeli
blockade and military control, overlooked?
2. Israel Tries to Avoid Civilian Casualties
It must be aggravating for Israel's
propagandists when high-ranking political officials slip and get off
the sanitized/approved message for public consumption. Yesterday,
Israeli Interior Minister Eli Yishai said the "goal of the operation is
to send Gaza back to the Middle Ages." Not to be outdone, Gilad Sharon,
son of former Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, said "we need to
flatten entire neighborhoods in Gaza. Flatten all of Gaza." If you're
thinking this is just rhetoric, consider the fact that, according to
Amnesty International, Israel "flattened... busy neighborhoods" into
"moonscapes" during its last major assault on Gaza in 2008/09. And it
wasn't just human rights organizations that were exposing Israeli war
crimes in Gaza, but Israeli soldiers whose conscience could not bear to
remain silent about the atrocities they had committed were also coming
3. This Is About Security
If, for some odd reason, you cannot decide whether it is official
Israeli spokespersons or soldiers of conscience and human rights
investigators who are telling the truth, consider this question: If
Hamas has only managed to kill 3 people despite being bent on killing
civilians with thousands of indiscriminate rockets, how has Israel
managed to kill several dozen Palestinian civilians when it is using
sophisticated precision weapons to avoid civilian casualties? In just
one Israeli attack yesterday, Israel killed more Palestinian civilians
in a matter of minutes than the total number of all Israelis killed by
rocket fire from Gaza over the last 3 years. The truth is exposed by
the utter disregard for civilian life we see in practice, reaffirmed by
testimonies and investigative evidence.
If Israel's main objective were indeed
to end the rocket fire from Gaza, all it had to do was accept the truce
offered by the Palestinian factions before the Jabari assassination.
And if the blockade of Gaza was just about keeping weapons from coming
in, why are Palestinian exports from Gaza not allowed out? Why were
food items ever restricted? The truth is, this isn't about security;
it's about punishing the population of Gaza for domestic Israeli
political consumption. When Gilad Sharon recommended the decimation of
Gaza, he justified it by saying "the residents of Gaza are not
innocent, they elected Hamas." Sharon may find this posturing to be
rewarding in some circles, but it's actually the very same logic used
by terrorists to attack civilians in democracies. Are Israeli civilians
considered legitimate targets of violence because they elected right
wing Israeli leaders who commit atrocities against the Palestinians? Of
course not, and only a broken moral compass can keep this principle
from consistently applying to Palestinian civilians as well.
4. Hamas Is the Problem
Between their religious right-wing
domestic agenda, and their refusal to renounce violence against
civilians, I'm most certainly no fan of Hamas. But whenever you hear
Israel try to scapegoat Hamas for the crisis in Gaza, there are two
things to consider. First, Hamas hasn't only showed preparedness to
have a truce with Israel if Israel ended its attacks on Gaza, but has
also suggested (though with mixed signals) that it is open to a
two-state solution. Second, and more importantly, Hamas didn't come to
power until 2006/07. Between 1993 and 2006 (13 years), Israel had the
more moderate, peaceful, and pliant Palestinian authority (which
recognizes Israel and renounces violence) to deal with as a partner for
peace. What did Israel do? Did it make peace? Or did it continue to
occupy Palestinian land, violate Palestinian rights, and usurp
Palestinian resources? What strengthened Hamas and other extremists in
Palestine is precisely the moderates' failure to secure any Palestinian
rights through cooperation and negotiations. The truth is entirely
inverted here: it is Israel's escalating violations of Palestinian
rights which strengthen the extremists.
5. There is a Military Solution to this Conflict
This is not the first time, and probably
not the last, that Israel has engaged in a military campaign to pummel
its opponents into submission. But are we any closer to ending this
conflict today after decades of violence? The answer is a resounding
no. After the 2006 war in Lebanon, Hezbollah emerged stronger. After
the 2009 war on Gaza, Hamas remained in power and maintained possession
of thousands of rockets. Israel's military superiority, while indeed
impressive (thanks to $30 billion in U.S. military aid this decade), is
not stronger than the Palestinian will to live in dignity. The way to
end the firing of rockets in the short term is to agree to a truce and
end the blockade of Gaza. The way to resolve the entire conflict in the
long term is to end Israel's illegal occupation of Palestinian lands
and allow the Palestinians to exercise their right to
self-determination. We're probably close to a ceasefire agreement to
end this round of violence. The real challenge is ending the Israeli
occupation for long-term peace and security for Israelis and
Older Related Articles/Books:
The BBC Bias on Palestine
Bad news From Israel
(Greg Philo, Mike Berry)
More Bad News From Israel
(follow-up book reviewed by Ronan MacDubhghaill)