Gaza Corner Archive: Jan 2012-Present
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This weekly feature includes news from the Middle East often ignored by the mainstream press coupled with music from the region.
Gaza Corner was conceived to help focus attention on relieving the
humanitarian crisis in Gaza which has been under a severe economic
blockade imposed by the Israeli occupation since 2006.
Kurds as far as the eye can see demonstrating solidarity
Urgent call from Kobane Canton government
to UN and international community
(original link no longer exists)
The attacks of the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham (ISIS) on KobanÍ, a
Kurdish town in northern Syria, have been ongoing since the 15th of
September. As a result of the war, large parts of the city and the
surrounding villages have been destroyed and devastated. The
humanitarian emergency is exacerbated due to the de facto existing
embargo. Since all routes to KobanÍ are blocked, it is not possible for
humanitarian supplies to reach the city. Due to the plight of refugees
from KobanÍ located in Turkey, more and more people are returning to
The biggest problem is the lack of clean drinking water. After the
start of the popular uprising in Syria, the water supply line to
KobanÍ, which is being centrally controlled by the state, has been
discontinued. The population in KobanÍ thereof has built an alternative
water line to KobanÍ. As a result of the attacks conducted by the
terrorist militia called Islamic State, this self-constructed water
supply line has also been destroyed. Currently, the people from KobanÍ
obtain their water from the few existing wells. However, this does not
involve potable water. It is therefore only used for cleaning and
hygiene matters. Drinking water is currently only available in closed
PET-bottles. Yet, the stocks are low and won’t be sufficient for much
longer. Similarly, there is a lack of food, especially of wheat and
flour with which at least the basic needs of sustenance could be met.
The bread production site, which was managed by the city
administration, has fallen under the control of the ISIS with all its
Another problem is the power supply. Since power supplies too are
directed by the central government, there has been a power cut for 2
years now. Until the attacks of the ISIS, the population provided
electricity via generators. However, ISIS has attacked and destroyed
the fuel depot for the generators. Also, there is a lack of winter
clothing, especially with jackets and shoes. When people fled their
villages, they had to leave all their belongings behind.
Further, medical care proves to be a serious problem. The existing
three hospitals were all destroyed. Currently, an abandoned house
functions as a temporary location for patient care and is managed only
by a volunteer doctor. However, due to the lack of medicine it is not
possible to treat many diseases. Although some medical equipment is
available, they cannot be used in important operations since the power
supply, which is required for these devices, is non-existent.
Rotting corpses and the bombing provide an acute risk of epidemics. Due
to the constantly ongoing attacks of the IS and the lack of technical
material, it is not possible to remove the corpses.
We estimate that the people of KobanÍ can only survive another month
with the existing stock of food, water and heating oil. However, the
influx of people from Turkey returning to Kobane makes it difficult to
give a detailed prognosis. Yet above all, the drinking water supply
poses a huge problem. Therefore, we aim to appeal to the international
public and community with this letter.
* The establishment of a corridor for humanitarian aid under the control of the UN.
* International delegation of experts to examine the situation in KobanÍ.
* Securing drinking water and food supply.
* Sending international teams of doctors for medical care.
* Technical equipment for the reconstruction of the city.
Akın ‹nver on Turkish Foreign Policy Challenges(Foreignpolicyblogs.com, 10/27/14)
3 key excerpts:
1) Turkey made three absolutely vital, high-risk decisions since 2011 –
Morsi, Assad and Kobani – and all of them failed colossally.
2) Ankara believed that even if it saved Kobani, the collapse of its peace process with the Kurds would be inevitable.
3) I (Akın ‹nver) still personally favor Turkish aid to Kobani; first,
because a conflict with ISIS is inevitable – and second, saving Kobani
would enable Ankara to start the next Kurdish peace process from an
Akın ‹nver is an assistant professor of international relations at
Kadir Has University in Istanbul and an energy and political risk
consultant. Dr. ‹nver is a widely recognized expert on Turkish foreign
policy and Kurdish issues.
Peter Clifford Online
Excellent blog that keeps up-to-date on developments in Syria and Iraq with focus on Kobane
1) Rojava (aka Syrian Kurdistan)
Syria's Secret Revolution
Produced by BBC "Our World"
2) Kobane: The little city that stood up to ISIS
Richard Engel, NBC News chief foreign correspondent, outlines the
features of the fight against Ithe Islamic State in the closely watched
battleground city of Kobane.
3) A rare view from inside Kobane
produced by independent journalist Lindsay Snell who was one of the
first of the international media inside Kobane after the Islamic State
The Unholy City
(Uri Avnery, 11/21/14)
Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer. He is a former member of the Knesset
and the founder of the Gush Shalom peace movement. He writes a weekly
column published in several countries and is the author of many books,
including 1948: A Soldier’s Tale—The Bloody Road to Jerusalem, Israel’s
Vicious Circle and My Friend, the Enemy.
Born in Germany, Avnery fled Nazi Germany with his family. As a youth,
he joined the Irgun Zionist terror gang, which he later quit to become
a leading peace activist in Israel.
Rage in Jerusalem
(Nathan Thrall, 11/21/14)
Uri Avnery excerpt:
In its long and checkered history, Jerusalem has been occupied by dozens of conquerors.
Babylonians and Persians, Greeks and Romans, Mamluks and Turks, Britons and Jordanians – to mention just a few.
The latest occupier is Israel, which conquered and annexed Jerusalem in 1967.
(I could have written "East Jerusalem" – but all of historical
Jerusalem is in today's East Jerusalem. All the other parts were built
in the last 200 years by Zionist settlers, or are surrounding Arab
villages which were arbitrarily joined to the huge area that is now
called Jerusalem after its occupation.)
This week, Jerusalem was in flames -
again. Two youngsters from Jabel Mukaber, one of the Arab villages
annexed to Jerusalem, entered a synagogue in the west of the city
during morning prayers and killed four devout Jews, before themselves
being killed by police.
Jerusalem is called "the City of Peace". This is a linguistic mistake.
True, in antiquity it was called Salem, which sounds like peace, but
Salem was in fact the name of the local deity.
It is also a historical mistake. No city in the world has seen as many wars, massacres and as much bloodshed as this one.
All in the name of some God or other.
Jersalem was annexed (or "liberated", or "unified") immediately after the Six-day War of 1967.
That war was Israel's greatest military triumph. It was also Israel's greatest disaster.
The annexation was presented to us (I was a member of the Knesset at the time) as a unification of the city.
In fact, what happened in 1967 was anything but unification.
If the intent had really been unification, it would have looked very different.
Full Israeli citizenship would have been automatically conferred on all
inhabitants. All the lost Arab properties in West Jerusalem, which had
been expropriated in 1948, would have been restored to their rightful
owners who had fled to East Jerusalem.
The Jerusalem municipality would have been expanded to include Arabs from the East, even without a specific request. And so on.
The opposite happened. No property was restored, nor any compensation paid. The municipality remained exclusively Jewish.
Arab inhabitants were not accorded
Israeli citizenship, but merely "permanent residence". This is a status
that can be arbitrarily revoked at any moment – and indeed was revoked
in many cases, compelling the victims to move out of the city. For
appearance's sake, Arabs were allowed to apply for Israel citizenship.
The authorities knew, of course, that only a handful would apply, since
doing so would mean recognition of the occupation. For Palestinians,
this would be paramount to treason. (And the few that did apply were
In practice, East Jerusalem remains occupied territory.
Mayor Teddy Kollek who was elected two years before the annexation and
Moshe Dayan, then the Defense Minister, believed in keeping the
Palestinians quiet by giving them all possible benefits, except freedom.
A few days after the occupation of East Jerusalem Moshe Dayan removed
the Israeli flag which had been planted by soldiers in front of the
Dome of the Rock on the Temple Mount. Dayan also turned the de facto
authority over the Mount over to the Muslim religious authorities.
Jews were allowed into the Temple
compound only in small numbers and only as quiet visitors. They were
forbidden to pray there. They could, after all, pray to their
heart's content at the adjoining Western Wall (which is a part of the
compound's ancient outer wall).
The government was able to impose this decree because of a quaint
religious fact: Orthodox Jews are forbidden by the rabbis to enter the
Temple Mount altogether. According to a Biblical injunction, ordinary
Jews are not allowed into the Holy of Holies, only the High Priest was
As a result, the first few years of the occupation were a happy time
for East Jerusalem. Jews and Arabs mingled freely. It was fashionable
for Jews to shop in the colorful Arab market and dine in the "oriental"
restaurants. I myself often stayed in Arab hotels and made quite a
number of Arab friends.
This atmosphere changed gradually. The government and the municipality
spent a lot of money to gentrify West Jerusalem, but Arab neighborhoods
in East Jerusalem were neglected, and turned into slums. The local
infrastructure and services degenerated. Almost no building permits
were issued to Arabs, in order to compel the younger generation to move
outside the city borders. Then the "Separation" Wall was built,
preventing those outside from entering the city, cutting them off from
their schools and jobs.
Political oppression grew. Under the Oslo agreements, Jerusalemite
Arabs were allowed to vote for the Palestinian Authority. But then they
were prevented from doing so, their representatives were arrested and
expelled from the city. All Palestinian institutions were forcibly
Then an additional disaster occurred. Secular Israelis are leaving
Jerusalem, which is rapidly becoming an Orthodox bastion. In
desperation they decided to oust the Orthodox mayor and elect a secular
businessman. Unfortunately, he is a rabid ultra-nationalist.
Nir Barkat behaves like the mayor of
West Jerusalem and the military governor of East Jerusalem. He treats
his Palestinian subjects like enemies, who may be tolerated if they
obey quietly, and brutally suppressed if they do not. Together with the
decade-old neglect of the Arab neighborhoods, the accelerated pace of
building new Jewish neighborhoods, the excessive police brutality
(openly encouraged by the mayor), they are producing an explosive
The total cutting-off of Jerusalem from the West Bank, its natural hinterland, worsens the situation even more.
To this may be added the termination of the so-called peace process,
since all Palestinians are convinced that East Jerusalem must be the
capital of the future State of Palestine.
This situation needed only a spark to ignite the city. This was duly
provided by the right-wing demagogues in the Knesset. Vying for
attention and popularity, they started to visit the Temple Mount, one
after the other, every time unleashing a storm. Added to the manifest
desire of certain religious and right-wing fanatics to build the Third
Temple in place of the holy al-Aqsa Mosque and the golden Dome of the
Rock, this was enough to create the belief that the holy shrines were
indeed in danger.
Then came the ghastly revenge-murder of an Arab boy who was abducted by
Jews and burned alive with gasoline poured into his mouth.
Individual Muslim inhabitants of the city started to act. Disdaining
organizations, almost without arms, they started a series of attacks
that are now called "the intifada of individuals". Acting alone, or
with a brother or cousin whom he trusts, an Arab takes a knife, or a
pistol (if he can get one), or his car, or a tractor, and kills the
nearest Israelis. He knows that he is going to die.
The two cousins who killed four Jews in
a synagogue this week – and also an Arab Druze policeman – knew this.
They also knew that their families were going to suffer, their home
demolished, their relatives arrested. They were not deflected. The
mosques were more important.
Illustration by Sam Kalda for BuzzFeed
My Last Day In Yemen
Yemen was like a
home away from home for me — until the day I was nearly abducted in
broad daylight, and narrowly missed suffering a grim fate similar to
other journalists drawn to covering, and living in, the Middle East.
(Gregory D. Johnsen, Buzzfeed 11/16/14)
Gregory Johnsen is a Michael Hastings
National Security Fellow and author of The Last Refuge: Yemen, al-Qaeda
and America's War in Arabia.
Immediately after the Synagogue killing, the Israeli choir of
politicians and commentators went into action. They did so with an
astonishing unanimity – ministers, Knesset members, ex-generals,
journalists, all repeating with slight variations the same message. The
reason for this is simple: every day the Prime Minister's office sends
out a "page of messages", instructing all parts of the propaganda
machine what to say.
This time the message was that Mahmoud Abbas was to blame for
everything, a "terrorist in a suit", the leader whose incitement causes
the new intifada. No matter that the chief of the Shin Bet testified on
the very same day that Abbas has neither overt nor covert connections
with the violence.
Binyamin Netanyahu faced the cameras and with a solemn face and
lugubrious voice – he is a really good actor – repeated again what he
has said many times before, every time pretending that this is new
recipe: more police, harder punishments, demolition of homes, arrests
and large fines for parents of 13-year old children who are caught
throwing stones, and so on.
Every expert knows that the result of such measures will be the exact
opposite. More Arabs will become incensed and attack Israeli men and
women. Israelis, of course, will "take revenge" and "take the law into
their own hands".
For both inhabitants and tourists, walking the streets of Jerusalem,
the city which is "joined together", has become a risky adventure. Many
stay at home.
The Unholy City is more divided than ever before.
Cairo was exotic but crowded and
Jordan’s eastern desert was drab and dreary, more volcanic rock than
sand. But Yemen was different. Vibrant and stark, it felt like the
underside of a rainbow. Sanaa had character and a wild, intoxicating
I was 24 years old and I was hooked.
I went back to Yemen again and again over the next several years,
neglecting my Ph.D. dissertation to write a book about the country and
cobbling together grants for visits. In late 2012, after the Arab Spring
and the uprisings that forced Salih to step down, I scheduled another
quick trip. I had lived through the revolution in Cairo, and
had seen the expectations of change and a better life inflate and then
burst leaving everyone more confused than ever. Yemen had changed as
well. No one seemed to know the rules anymore. Salih was out and
security was evaporating. There was a mad scramble for power that fall,
and for the first time I felt physically unsafe. It was just a feeling,
impossible to quantify, but I couldn’t shake it.
Western embassies issued travel
warnings, but they were as vague as everything else. Yemen was bad —
maybe not Iraq bad — but the speculation kept getting worse.
Still, earlier this spring I decided to go back one more time. I
pitched it to my editors as a three-story trip. But in my mind, it was
a final farewell. I was getting married in a few months, and I wanted
to move on.. On March 6, I boarded the plane for my last trip to Yemen.
Sixteen days later I was done. I had my three stories. But I didn’t
want to leave, not yet. Something was still missing. Instead of flying
home early, I compromised: One more story.
I already knew the one I’d do. Mine was a tragedy that started with a Guantanamo interrogation.
The detainee, Adnan Abd al-Latif, was a mentally unstable man who had
suffered severe brain damage as a result of a car crash in 1994. Twice
he had been cleared for release, but each time something went wrong and
he remained locked in his cell.
On Sept. 10, 2012, he committed suicide.
He had been in Guantanamo Bay for more than a decade.
Latif’s case seemed to get at all the horrors of that lost decade: a
handicapped man who confused al-Qaeda with a Yemeni village of the same
name, locked up as the worst of the worst.
He was a man with a history and a family, and I wanted to write about them, to tell his story.
Since arriving in Sanaa I had been working with Shuaib, a young fixer
and friend, who knew how to get things done in a country where nothing
(fast forward to later in story)
Shuaib wanted breakfast. Stepping
up onto the sidewalk, Shuaib bumped into a soldier who was coming out
of the restaurant, catching his windbreaker on the man’s rifle.
“Sorry,” he mumbled, as he reached over to untangle his jacket. The man
just looked at him, taking in Shuaib’s youth and his slight frame. And
then he saw me. I was used to it, the attention and the double takes.
Yemenis tend to stare at obvious foreigners, observing them as if they
were under glass. But this time the lack of words was disconcerting. We
were in the man’s space, inches from his face with Shuaib’s jacket
hooked on his rifle. The whole thing was too intimate for silence.
That was it, a few seconds on the street before breakfast. It was
nothing and he was no one, a soldier with a gun in a country that had
plenty of both. We were already past it.
Fifteen minutes later, the man was waiting for us. I saw him as soon as
we left the restaurant: Ten yards up the road next to another man in a
military uniform. Both of them were young, and both had guns.
The first man, the one Shuaib had bumped into, crossed the space between us surprisingly quickly and grabbed his arm.
“Who is this?”
“He’s my friend,” Shuaib replied.
“Is he a foreigner?”
“Yeah,” Shuaib said. “He’s an American researcher.”
“OK,” the man said, pulling Shuaib toward the street. “Come to the base with us. We need to ask you some questions.”
“Sure, why not,” Shuaib shrugged.
Israel bans renowned doctor and human rights activist Mads Gilbert from entering Gaza for life
Somehow the other man had circled around
behind me. Grabbing my arm, he started pulling me toward the street. My
eyes followed my body and I saw the yellow-and-white taxi: driver
inside, back door open. And then I knew.
I had played through this scenario dozens of times. Get in the car and you’re kidnapped, resist and you’re dead.
When the moment came, my body didn’t give me a choice. I couldn’t get into the car.
I jerked my arm back. The man pulled harder, and we were scuffling.
There was no punching or screaming, none of the things I would have
imagined, just a weird one-armed tug-of-war over a few yards of
asphalt. I was older and stronger, but he had a gun. His hand slipped
down past my wrist, catching on the backpack that I had slung over one
arm. For a second, I thought about dropping the backpack and running.
But it had $600, my passport, and all my notebooks from two weeks of
work. I tugged.
Dropping Shuaib’s arm, the (other) man grabbed for his gun. That’s when
I thought he would start shooting. Shuaib moved fast, escaping up the
street and scrambling for cover. The second man let go of my backpack
to chamber his own bullet, and then I was running too.
I remembered to zigzag as I ducked into a different restaurant and
headed for the back. My plan was to run through the kitchen and escape
out the back and then make a big loop back to the American Institute,
where I was staying. I made it to the rear of the restaurant, but as I
tried to go through the kitchen, one of the Yemeni workers blocked me.
“Mamnu‘a” he said.
I was trapped.
end of excerpt
note: Click here
to read the full story.
Dr. Gilbert has volunteered at al-Shifa hospital during three wars,
treating thousands of patients [AP]
Mads Gilbert, an outspoken Norwegian doctor and activist who
treated patients at Gaza’s al-Shifa hospital during Israel’s assault on
the Palestinian territory this summer, has been denied access to Gaza
"indefinitely" by Israeli authorities.
Gilbert said on Friday that he was turned away from the Erez border
crossing when attempting to return to Gaza in October, despite having
all the legitimate paper work.
"To my surprise I was denied access by the Israeli military," he said.
"When I asked the reason they informed me that it was a security issue."
Gilbert said that when he asked for a fuller explanation, he was told to "leave the premises or the police would be called".
The 67-year-old, who has been involved in solidarity work with
Palestinians for decades and volunteered at al-Shifa on and off for 17
years, has been a vocal critic of Israel's military campaigns and its
occupation of Palestinian territory.
During the seven-week conflict between Israel and the Hamas movement
that left nearly 2200 Palestinians dead, Gilbert frequently spoke to
international media, including Al Jazeera and Democracy Now, about the
situation at al-Shifa hospital, which was overwhelmed with civilian
During the recent war, Gilbert accused Israel of committing "state
terrorism at a very sophisticated and very high level,” and said its
army was "using a wide variety of sophisticated modern weapons against
a basically naked civilian population.
BBC aired an interview with Gilbert, conducted at al-Shifa
hospital. The interviewer began asking him to respond to Israel’s
claims that it was not targeting civilians, that it was only attacking
Hamas militants. Gilbert called the claim “an absolutely stupid
statement” and explained that, among the hundreds of patients he had
seen at that point, only two had been fighters. The “large majority”
were women, children, and men civilians. “These numbers are
contradictory to everything Israel says,” he reported.
In 2008 and 2009, Gilbert treated Palestinians who had been wounded by
Israel’s use of experimental and illegal chemical weapons, including
white phosphorous, dense inert metal explosives (DIME) munitions, and
flechette shells. In
July 2014, in the midst of Israel’s most recent attack on Gaza, Gilbert
spoke with Electronic Intifada, revealing that he saw indications of
renewed use of DIME weapons and flechettes.
Dore note: Flechettes are described as illegal under rules of
humanitarian law. The way they’re described is they explode in the air
above a target, sending out a cone of thousands of tiny steel darts,
small darts. DIME (Dense Inert Metal Explosives) weapons are
banned under international law and "kill their victims through the
amputation of limbs in a way that resembles an automated saw. As for
those who are able to survive, they are vulnerable to cancer because
[the weapons] contain carcinogenic tungsten," according to a
report by Al Jazeera.
Dr. Gilbert told Al Jazeera he was informed that the ban was "infinite without any time limit".
Medical Aid for Palestinians, a UK-registered charity, which has been
working in the occupied West Bank and Gaza for over 20 years and
supports al-Shifa hospital, called the ban on Gilbert "deeply
concerning" and reiterated that, "following the recent conflict,
thousands of Palestinians in Gaza require specialised surgical
treatment and it is imperative that the right to health is unimpeded".
Dr. Gilbert said he had been invited by the Gaza Health Ministry, which
had requested his assistance to research the impact on healthcare of
the Israeli bombardment.
Before Operation Protective Edge commenced in early July 2014, Gilbert
toured medical and health facilities and individual homes in Gaza,
researching for a United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) report on the dire state of the
strip’s health sector.
He wrote of “overstretched” health facilities, widespread physical and
psychological trauma, “a deep financial crisis,” a lack of needed
medical supplies, and a “severe energy crisis.” He also noted the
“devastating results of the blockade imposed by the Government of
Israel,” with rampant poverty, a 38.5% unemployment rate, food
insecurity in at least 57% of households, and inadequate access to
clean water. All of these already extreme ills were only exacerbated by
the July-August Israeli assault on Gaza, an onslaught that left roughly
2,200 Palestinians dead, including over 1,500 civilians, more than 500
of whom were children.
Gilbert is not the only one Israel has recently prevented from entering
Gaza. In August, just after the end of its military assault, Israel
refused to allow Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the
world’s leading human rights organizations, from entering the strip,
impeding them from conducting war crimes investigations.
Denouncing his entry ban as a limitation of freedom of expression,
Gilbert said it appeared the Israeli government "doesn't want the
effects of their continuous attacks on the civilian population in Gaza
to be known to the world".
"Telling the world about the burdens of the Palestinians in Gaza is
considered a security risk," he said, adding that in a larger
perspective, the ban was not about him, but about the Gazans' right to
He vowed to continue to challenge Israel
and called for political pressure to be exerted to lift the "long overdue" siege of Gaza.
"There is no way we’re going to accept that medical and humanitarian
assistance to the people in Gaza shall be denied just because the
Israeli government has decided so. I will not give up travelling to
Gaza as long as they have medical needs," he said.
While the legislation is being justified on the grounds that prayer calls often produce "intolerable noise",
it is bound to prompt accusations of religious intolerance (Photo: Rex Features)
Israeli Right-wingers have revived highly contentious plans that could
effectively silence the Muslim call to prayer, known as the adhan.
In a move that risks stoking already simmering tensions in Jerusalem
between Jews and Arabs, a member of Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition
Robert Ilatov, a parliamentarian with the ultra-nationalist Yisrael
Beiteinu party, is sponsoring the bill with the support of Avigdor
Lieberman, the Israeli foreign minister who is also the party's leader.
While the legislation is being justified on the grounds that prayer
calls often produce "intolerable noise" that disturbs many citizens'
sleep, it is bound to prompt accusations of religious intolerance and
prejudice against Israel's Muslim minority.
"Hundreds of thousands of citizens in Israel, in the Galilee, the
Negev, Jerusalem and other locations in central Israel suffer on a
regular basis from noise that is caused by muezzin [prayer caller]
calls in mosques," the bill states.
Around 20 per cent of Israel's population are Arabs, most of them
Muslim, meaning the adhan is a familiar sound five times a day -
including before dawn - despite the country's de facto status as a
Mr Ilatov suggested that freedom of religious worship was trumped by the right to peace and quiet.
"Freedom of religion and worship is a universal freedom to which
everyone is entitled in every democratic state, and of course in
Israel," he told Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper. "This does not mean that
additional rights can be trampled, such as the right to conduct a
normal daily routine that includes peaceful and uninterrupted sleep
during the night."
The proposal comes against the backdrop of a clampdown by security
forces in Arab neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem which have witnessed
almost nightly scenes of unrest in recent months following the murder
of a 16-year-old Palestinian by Jewish vigilantes seeking revenge for
the killing of three Israelis in the West Bank.
The Israeli parliament voted overwhelmingly last week to suspend
Haneen Zoabi, a legislator representing the state’s large Palestinian
minority, for six months as a campaign to silence political dissent
It is the longest suspension in the Knesset’s history and the maximum punishment allowed under Israeli law.
At a press conference, Zoabi denounced her treatment as “political persecution.”
“By distancing me from the Knesset, basically they’re saying they don’t
want Arabs, and only want ‘good Arabs.’ We won’t be ‘good Arabs,’” she
The Knesset’s confirmation of Zoabi’s suspension comes as she faces a
criminal trial for incitement in a separate case and as the Knesset
considers stripping her of citizenship.
But Zoabi is not the only Palestinian representative in the firing
line. Earlier this year the Knesset raised the threshold for election
to the parliament, in what has been widely interpreted as an attempt to
exclude all three small parties representing the Palestinian minority.
One in five citizens of Israel belong to the minority.
In addition, it emerged last week that a bill is being prepared to
outlaw the northern branch of the Islamic Movement, the only
extra-parliamentary party widely supported by Palestinian citizens.
Along with Zoabi, the Islamic Movement’s leader, Sheikh Raed Salah, has
been among the most vocal critics of Israeli policies, especially over
the al-Aqsa mosque compound in occupied Jerusalem.
After Israel barred the Palestinian Authority from having any presence
in Jerusalem more than a decade ago and expelled Hamas legislators from
the city, Salah has become the face of Palestinian political activism
Zoabi was originally suspended after legislators from all the
main parties expressed outrage at a series of comments from her
criticizing both the build-up to Israel’s summer assault on Gaza,
dubbed “Operation Protective Edge,” and the 51-day attack itself, which
left more than 2,100 Palestinians dead, most of them civilians.
In particular, fellow members of Knesset were incensed by a radio
interview in which she expressed her disapproval of the kidnapping of
three Israeli youths in the occupied West Bank, but refused to denounce
those behind it as “terrorists.” The youths were later found murdered.
Zoabi faced a wave of death threats and needed to be assigned a bodyguard for public appearances.
During the Knesset debate on her appeal against the suspension, Zoabi
said: “Yes, I crossed the lines of consensus — a warlike, aggressive,
racist, populist, chauvinist, arrogant consensus. I must cross those
lines. I am no Zionist, and that is within my legal right.”
In an apparently intentional subversion of Netanyahu’s recent
comparison of the Islamic State and Hamas, the Palestinian resistance
movement, Zoabi described an Israeli Air Force pilot as “no less a
terrorist than a person who takes a knife and commits a beheading.” She
added that “both are armies of murderers, they have no boundaries and
no red lines.”
Avigdor Lieberman, the foreign minister, was among those who responded by calling Zoabi a “terrorist.”
“The law must be used to put the terrorist — there is no other word for
it — the terrorist Haneen Zoabi in jail for many years,” he told Israel
Tyranny of the majority
Ayelet Shaked, of the settler Jewish Home party, which is in the
government coalition, has introduced a bill that would allow a simple
majority of the Knesset to vote to override Supreme Court rulings.
Human rights lawyers warned that the bill would further erode already limited protections for minority rights.
Debbie Gild-Hayo, a lawyer with the Association for Civil Rights in
Israel, warned that protections for minorities from the tyranny of the
majority would be in severe jeopardy as a result. “These proposals wish
to break down the checks and balances that are fundamental to
democracy,” she said.
Zoabi remained defiant. She noted that, while she was being hounded,
the legal authorities had ignored genocidal remarks made by Jewish
politicians against Palestinians during the summer attack on Gaza.
“They’re putting me on trial over a trivial, meaningless matter, while
ministers and MKs who incited to racism and incited to violence and
even to murder aren’t being investigated, even after complaints were
filed against them.”
She added: “If I am indicted, I’ll turn the hearings into the most political trial in Israel’s history.”
with the people of Kobane in Kiziltepe, Turkey near the Syrian border.
International Call Leads to Global Day of Action
For Kobane And For Humanity
press statement excerpt:
Nov 1 is an urgent call for action appealing to people all over the
world to show solidarity with Kobane, which is still under siege by the
Islamic State (IS) and facing the possibility of a genocide.
Prominent signatories include Professor Noam Chomsky and Archbishop
Desmond Tutu, who have both been long-time supporters of the Kurdish
struggle for self-determination, as well as Nobel Peace Prize Laureates
like Adolfo Erez Esquivel, and Jose Ramos-Horta, former President of
East Timor and Nora Cortinas, cofounder of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo
in Argentina and Palestinian singer Reem Kelani.
For nearly two months, the city of Kobane has been facing an onslaught
from IS. The call for action states that the US-led coalition “has not
fulfilled their real international legal obligations. Some of the
countries in the coalition, especially Turkey, are among financial and
military supporters of IS in Iraq and Syria.”
In response to the call to action there were rallies in some 30 countries spanning 5 continents.
Watch Reem Kelani's video message
of solidarity with Kobane posted 10/20/14..
Latest info via Twitter:
First Kurdish reinforcements
cross Turkish border to Kobane
Peshmerga enters Kobane in powerful symbol
for long-oppressed stateless Kurds
(Richard Spencer and Magdy Samaan, Telegraph UK, 10/30/14)
Reinforcements Enter Besieged Town via Turkey, Raising Hopes
(Anne Barnardoct, NYT, 10/29/14)
IS controls half of Kobane, says FSA rebel leader
(Richard Spencer, Telegraph UK, 10/29/14)
The reinforcements (including
desperately needed anti-tank missiles and artillery) were the first
Turkey had allowed to cross through into Syria after weeks of tense
A Town Shouldn't Fight the Islamic State Alone;
Turkey's Obstruction of Kobane's Battle Against IS
(Meysa Abido, NYT Op-Ed, 10/28/14)
Turkey has strong reservations about helping Kurdish communities in
Syria and Iraq that are aligned with its own restive Kurdish population.
For many ordinary Kurds, the Peshmerga's arrival was a symbol of a
long-sought united front to save Kobane, which has become a symbol of
their resistance not only to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
but all the many enemies against which they have fought over the years
in all three countries.
Soner Cagaptay, a Turkish political analyst at the Washington Institute
for Near East Policy said the range of forces now in Kobane was
striking. It incorporates Syrian Arab rebels, the Iraqi Kurds, and
local Kurdish fighters from the Y.P.G., a militia affiliated with
Turkey’s outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or P.K.K., movement.
“That’s huge, the first time this has happened,” he said. “This builds
up a working relationship between these three groups, so if the goal is
to build a native, indigenous boots-on-the-ground strategy, this could
be the beginning.”
Meysa Abdo, who is also known by the nom de guerre Narin Afrin, is a commander of the resistance in Kobani.
Islamic State (IS) in Raqqa, Syria
Image by AP/Raqqa Media Center
Since Sept. 15, we, the people of the Syrian town of Kobani, have been
fighting, outnumbered and outgunned, against an all-out assault by the
army of the Islamic State, also known as IS.
Yet despite a campaign that has intensified in the past month,
including the deployment of United States (captured) tanks and armored
vehicles, the Islamic State has not been able to break the resistance
of Kobani’s fighters.
We are defending a democratic, secular society of Kurds, Arabs, Muslims and Christians who all face an imminent massacre.
Kobani’s resistance has mobilized our entire society, and many of its leaders, including myself, are women.
We had been fighting without any logistical assistance from the outside
world until the limited coalition airdrops of weapons and supplies on
Oct. 20. Airdrops of supplies should continue, so that we do not run
out of ammunition.
None of that changes the reality that our weapons still cannot match those of the Islamic State.
Turkey, a NATO member, should have been an ally in this conflict. It
could easily have helped us by allowing access between different Syrian
Kurdish areas, so as to let fighters and supplies move back and forth
through Turkish territory.
Instead, the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has several times
publicly equated our fighters, who are defending a diverse and
democratic society, with the murderous Islamic State, evidently because
of the controversy surrounding Turkey’s Kurdish minority.
Last week, following domestic and international criticism, Turkish
leaders at last said they would open a corridor for a small group of
Iraqi pesh merga fighters, and some Free Syrian Army brigades, to cross
into Kobani. But they still will not allow other Syrian Kurds to cross
Turkish territory to reach us. This has been decided without consulting
As a result, the Islamic State can bring in endless amounts of new
supplies and ammunition, but we are still effectively blockaded on all
We believe that it is in the Turkish government’s interest to have a
border with the democratic administration of a western Kurdistan rather
than one with the Islamic State.
Western governments should increase their pressure on Turkey to open a
corridor for Syrian Kurdish forces and their heavy weapons to reach the
defenders of Kobani through the border.
We have proved ourselves to be one of the only effective forces
battling the Islamic State in Syria. Whenever we meet them on equal
terms, they are defeated.
The people of Kobani need the attention and help of the world.
This article was translated from the Kurdish for the New York Times by GŁney Yildiz.
Raqqa is Being Slaughtered Silently, And These Guys Are Risking Their Lives To Document It
(Alice Speri, news .vice.com, 9/25/14)
Raqqa is a city where life under the
Islamic State is as inscrutable to outsiders as it is terrifying — a
reminder of the caliphate's brutality as much as of its bureaucratic
With open dissent all but stifled in the city — and punished with
death, when it still happens — a group of young residents has taken the
huge personal risk of documenting life under the Islamist fighters'
rule — sharing photos, videos, and stories from the city on the web.
Even after one of them was caught and executed, the group carried on,
speaking with journalists and sharing images from the city.
VICE News caught up with 22-year-old Abu Ibrahim Raqqawi, a member of
the group who in the last four years went from medical student, to
activist against the regime of Bashar al-Assad, to a chronicler of the
fate of his city under the Islamic State, which he documented one
crucifixion at the time until he was forced to flee just two weeks ago.
VICE NEWS: How do you guys operate?
Abu Ibrahim Raqqawi: Our campaign is called "Raqqa is being slaughtered silently,
and it was launched in April, 2014. We wanted this campaign because
ISIS commits a lot of crimes in the city, without anyone in the world
knowing about it. We are 12 inside the city and four outside.
So those of you that are out of Raqqa, where are you?
There are three in Turkey, and I got out of Raqqa about two weeks ago,
but I'm not in Turkey and not in Syria. I got out because they want to
execute me but my family is still in Raqqa.
Were you guys fighting the regime of Bashar al-Assad before ISIS came in?
We were activists against the Assad regime when we started, but after
our city was freed, and ISIS took over our freedom, we just decided to
launch this campaign to expose all the crimes that ISIS do, and not
just ISIS but all the extremist groups in the city.
Who is in charge? Mostly foreigners? Or mostly Iraqis or Syrians?
Most of them are Iraqis and Tunisians. But mostly Iraqis.
How was Raqqa before ISIS, and before the war, especially for women? Were they able to work?
It was a normal city like any other city in the world. There were
female doctors, lawyers, teachers. There were a lot of women who
weren't even wearing hijabs. It was a mixed city, there were mixed
marriages, mixed cafes, mixed restaurants. It was a normal city like
any city in the world.
Are women allowed to work at all now?
No, just the teachers, and they are not allowed to teach boys over 6 years.
Are any girls still going to school?
There has been no school or education since ISIS has taken the city. No
universities, no school, no nothing at all. They said they want to make
new, special books, and special schools, but until now there is nothing
at all, and they say that teachers must take special lessons from ISIS
to be allowed to teach and those who don't won't be allowed.
Are there any underground organizations, or groups like yours?
There are almost no activists.
Are you afraid for your family in Raqqa, because of the work you do?
Sure. A week ago, they went to the home of one member of our group
who's in Turkey, searching for him, and they said to his father, "If
your boy does not stop talking about us, that will be a big problem for
How are you protecting your family, are you trying to get them out?
It's a very bad situation for us, we cannot take them out of the city.
How do people in Raqqa feel about the US air strikes?
Gaza Corner Audio Broadcast Dore Stein 9/20/14
(click for broadcast)
Turkey closed the border
crossing w/ Kobane again as thousands of Kurds flee IS encirclement of
city. Obama remains silent and does nothing to prevent possible
I would say the people of Raqqa just split into two parts. The first
part say, "I will deal with the devil just to take ISIS out of the
city, because we are tired of ISIS. Enough of this, we want you to take
them out of the city, we want our freedom, we want our lives back, and
our sons back from prison, because there are more than 1,200 people
from Raqqa in ISIS prisons."
They just want these air strikes to kick ISIS out of the city but they
fear these air strikes, because they don't want any of the civilians or
the innocent prisoners, and innocent families to die.
The second part, including me, are against these strikes, because if
the West wanted our freedom, why didn't they bomb the Assad regime
after he used chemical weapons, and why didn't they bomb the Assad
regime when we have been begging for their help for four years now, and
they didn't do anything? They are just now doing this because of ISIS,
not for us. So they are against these airstrikes. People just split
into two parts, but both parts are fearing that air strikes will kill
photo credit unknown - taken 9/20/14
Letter to President Barack Obama - Provide Syrian Kurds with humanitarian and military support
(Dr. Amir Sharifi - Ekurd.net, 9/20/14)
Obama abandons Syrian Kurds to slaughter
(Opinion, Michael Rubin, AEIdeas.org, 9/19/14)
AEIdeas is a blog from the American Enterprise Institute
'The world cares nothing'
Syrian city under IS siege
(Opinion, Patrick Cockburn, The Independent UK, 9/18/14)
IS seizes 21 Kurdish villages in northern Syria,
close in on Kobane
(Agence France-Presses/Reuters, 9/18/14)
Massacre warnings signal
now is the time to attack ISIL
(Opinion, David Phillips, CNBC.com, 9/18/14)
On Kurds and terror lists
(Opinion, Michael Rubin, AEIdeas.org, 9/19/14)
President Obama transcript of address to the nation concerining the Islamic State (IS)
Israel jailed influential Palestinian writer
"to remove him from society"
(Patrick O. Strickland, The Electronic Intifada/al Bireh 9/12/14)
Number of Palestinians held in
administrative detention doubles
Gaza Corner Audio Broadcast
Dore Stein 8/31/14
(click for audio)
Turkish Kurds help their Iraqi brothers
to resist Islamic State (IS) advance
Female Guerillas are leading the PKK's fight against IS
in a rare display of unity with Peshmerga
(Hermione Gee, Independetn UK, 9/7/14)
Kurdish female fighters of the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPJ) at a military training camp. [Reuters]
After the northern Iraqi town of
Makhmour fell to Islamic State militants last month, Kurdish forces
were gathered in the nearby village of Bazarga. Perched on the hillside
overlooking the city, it gave the Kurds a safe vantage point from which
to observe their enemy.
Volunteers had also converged on the area, offering their help to the
Kurdish army, or Peshmerga. Hundreds of parked cars lined the side of
the main road from the regional capital, Erbil, with young men leaning
against their doors. Like the security forces stationed at a camp
hidden from the road, they were waiting for an opportunity to take on
"We come here because we want to fight
terrorists. We have guns in the car; we will fight these people until
we die," explained Moukadam Aziz, who returned to Kurdistan from
Norway, where he lives, to defend his homeland from Islamic State
(formerly known as Isis).
Like Aziz, many volunteers standing around in the late afternoon heat
had returned from abroad after Islamic State took Mosul in June. Others
came to Bazarga from across Kurdistan, determined to resist the
The assortment of armed forces gathered in the area told a similar
story, with Kurdish government troops fighting alongside guerrillas
from the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK. Within the official forces,
the battle for Makhmour saw a rare display of unity between battalions
whose loyalties are divided across Kurdistan's different political
parties and provinces.
At a military base nearby, men were milling around a central courtyard,
some in uniform, some in traditional Kurdish dress, but all sharing the
mood of restless anticipation, filling the time talking and smoking,
apparently oblivious to the intermittent artillery fire around them.
Brigadier Colonel Hejar, of the Kurdish security services, in charge of
the base, said they clashed with Islamic State the day before, killing
dozens of militants. "We brought two bodies back to the camp and buried
them this morning," he said.
The troops were defending a UN-run refugee camp in Makhmour, which has
been home to more than 12,000 Turkish Kurds for the last 15 years. The
refugees had to flee their own country because of their allegiance to
the PKK, which Turkey – like the US, EU and Nato –considers a terrorist
Founded by Abdullah Ocalan in the 1970s to fight for Kurdish cultural
and political rights, the PKK has been engaged in an intermittent
struggle against the Turkish government ever since. Ocalan is now
serving a life sentence for treason in Turkey.
The upside to the current crisis, says a
28-year-old PKK guerilla called Slaw, is that the Kurds are finally
working together. One of the PKK's many female fighters, Slaw lives in
the Makhmour camp. The battle for Makhmour was her first experience of
armed combat and the first time she had seen Kurds united.
War on Gaza:
"Now there are no borders between the different parts of Kurdistan.
Kurds from Iran, Syria, Turkey, and Iraq are here. We've all crossed
the borders to fight the Isis. The Kurds are united to bring our land
back under our control."
Kurdish forces successfully retook Makhmour a few days later and the
PKK have now deployed to Sinjar and Jalawla, Kurdish areas in the west
and east of the country where extensive fighting continues. But
divisions between the different factions are starting to re-emerge,
with the Kurdish authorities apparently distancing themselves from the
The local media close to the government has played down the role of the
PKK in providing aid to the tens of thousands of Yazidi stranded on a
mountain after Islamic State militants overran the western district of
Sinjar, and then in creating a safe corridor that allowed them to
Unlike the recent refugee camps scattered across the Kurdistan region,
Makhmour's residents live in houses, some built out of local stone,
others out of grey cement blocks. Trees, gardens, and winding streets
give the camp a village-like feel, while pictures of Ocalan and pro-PKK
graffiti leave no doubt about where the residents' allegiances lie.
When Islamic State entered Makhmour the battle-hardened PKK fighters
are said to have volunteered to take the front line, ahead of the
Peshmerga, who had not been engaged in active combat for years.
"We thought it would raise their morale to have us in front of them,"
said Massoum, one of three PKK commanders who run the camp.
Massoum says the international community is reluctant to give the PKK
the credit they are due or the military support they could use to help
to keep Islamic State at bay. "People are blind, deaf and dumb and
don't want to strengthen the PKK. They call Isis 'jihadists' and call
us 'terrorists'. They see us as a threat when they should understand
that none of us can stand alone against Isis."
Looking Back and Forward
(editorial by Dore Stein, updated 8/31/14)
I finished writing this editorial and
was about to post it when news broke this morning of yet another
Israeli war crime, one that will not likely be reported as such in the
American mainstream press.
The pace of Israel's illegal settlement expansion has accelerated in
recent years. Israel stepped on the accelerator yet again with
what Peace Now
calls "the largest Israeli appropriation of West Bank
land in 30 years." Israel’s Civil Administration in the West Bank
announced the takeover of almost 1000 acres belonging to five
Palestinian villages between the Etzion settlement bloc and Jerusalem.
You can read the story in Al Jazeera
, Guardian UK
(Haaretz requires registration.)
According to The International Criminal Court's founding charter, the 1998 Rome statute
(pdf - under War Crimes 2b (viii), describes as a war
crime "the transfer, directly or indirectly, by the occupying power of
parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies."
If anyone requires more proof that Israel is not interested in
seriously moving forward with a peace process, this is it. Fresh off
its latest war on Gaza that resulted international condemnation
EU leaders to even President Obama for Israel's wanton slaughter of
Gazan civilians and deliberate destruction of Gaza's civilian
infrastructure, Israel responds with its biggest illegal land
grab in three decades.
All American administrations are on record as being opposed to
Israeli settlement building but words amount to empty rhetoric as the
U.S. refuses to leverage its annual 3 billion dollars of economic and
military aid to pressure Israel. It's a joke for the U.S.
to discuss a two state solution when the West Bank and East Jerusalem
continue to be swallowed by Israel on a daily basis.
After 51 days of human carnage in Gaza an open ended cease-fire was
reached August 26 to apparently end Israel's third war on Gaza in the
past six years.
As always the biggest losers are civilians especially children.
In Gaza approximately 2150 people were killed, most of them
civilians, including more than 500 children which would equate to
88,000 American children in the name of self-defense. At least
11,000 people were injured including 3000 children of whom 1000 have
injuries that have paralyzed them. 1800 children are orphaned.
and more than 17,000 homes were destroyed or badly damaged. Around a
third of Gaza's 1.8 million people have been displaced. Gaza's
civilian infrastructure has been destroyed. Reconstruction could
take up to 10 years, say analysts.
On the Israeli side 64 soldiers died
along with six civilians including one child. Hundreds of families
relocated from homes near the Gaza border to safer areas further north.
(Majority of the above statistics and cease fire terms below from
Guardian UK article: Gaza ceasefire: Israel and Palestinians agree to halt weeks of fighting
What did this war on Gaza achieve?
The terms of this open ended cease fire appear to be almost identical
to what was agreed to at the end of the previous Israeli assault in Nov
2012. Israel has reportedly agreed to allow humanitarian
aid and construction materials to enter Gaza, and will extend the
permitted fishing zone to six miles from 3 miles off the coast of
Gaza. The Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt is
supposed to be
opened although Haaretz reports Egypt does not intend to fully open its border crossing into Gaza at Rafah.
But the root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: Israeli
occupation of the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, especially the inhuman
siege and blockade of Gaza since 2006 have not been addressed.
Until Palestinians have basic human rights and freedoms that all
people are entitled, a sustainable peace will not happen.
As Nathan Thrall said in his op-ed piece in the N.Y. Times How the West Chose War in Gaza
: “Israel is pursuing a return to the status quo
ante, when Gaza had electricity for barely eight hours a day, water was
undrinkable, sewage was dumped in the sea, fuel shortages caused
sanitation plants to shut down and waste sometimes floated in the
That was before the 50 days of hell.
There is agreement to have the more difficult issues deferred for
further talks in a few weeks. Specific demands include a seaport and
airport in Gaza, construction of which were permitted under the 1993
Oslo accords. Talks will also need to address Israel's insistence
on the disarmament of militant groups and the return of the remains of
two of its soldiers killed in the fighting.
Rabbi Henry Siegman who's father was one of the key leaders of the
European Zionist movement, is president of the U.S./Middle East Project
and former long time executive director of the American Jewish
Congress. In his Politico article "Israel Provoked this War,
" he points
out this latest war was triggered by Israel’s determination to destroy
the Palestinian unity government that was formed in early June by Fatah
Israel was isolated in this desperate goal as the U.S. and the
E.U. backed the unity government and the unity government was committed
to honoring all of the conditions imposed by the international
community for recognition of its legitimacy.
Apparently Netanyahu's biggest fear is a unified Palestinian entity.
Jewish Holocaust survivors and descendants of survivors and victims from around the world
call for justice in Gaza
40 Jewish survivors of the Nazi
Holocaust and 287 descendants and relatives of survivors and victims
from 26 countries signed a letter condemning Israel’s actions in Gaza.
Therefore he manipulated the murder of
the three young Israeli settlers as a way to whip up domestic and
international support for the invasion of Gaza thinking he'd crush
Hamas, Hamas would lose support within Gaza and the unity government
would be stillborn.
Fatah supported Hamas throughout the Israeli assault and the unity
government is very much alive. Hamas may be weakened but it
arguably enjoys more support in Gaza now than before the war due to its
resistance against one of the world's most lethal military machines.
Netanyahu's domestic approval rating which was 82% when the ground
invasion began in mid July, plummeted to 38% (source - channel 2
Israel) the day before the cease fire was announced and is likely even
The next date to look out for is September 15.
According to the Haaretz article Palestinians threaten to turn to ICC if date not set for return to 1967 lines
, the Palestinians plan to turn
to the United Nations Security Council on September 15 to demand a
deadline be set for Israel's withdrawal to 1967 borders, according to
senior Fatah official Nabil Shaath.
If the Security Council rejects the initiative, the Palestinians would open their war
crimes case against Israel at the International Criminal Court.
The Arab League will meet in Cairo September 7-9 to discuss providing
Abbas with an Arab umbrella of support. Abbas is already backed in
principle by Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
The below letter was posted in the Guardian UK 8/15/14 and NY Times 8/23/14):
As Jewish survivors and descendants of survivors and
victims of the Nazi genocide, we unequivocally condemn the massacre of
Palestinians in Gaza and the ongoing occupation and colonisation of
historic Palestine. We further condemn the United States for providing
Israel with the funding to carry out the attack, and western states
more generally for using their diplomatic muscle to protect Israel from
condemnation. Genocide begins with the silence of the world.
We are alarmed by the extreme, racist dehumanisation of
Palestinians in Israeli society, which has reached fever-pitch.
Politicians and pundits in the Times of Israel and the Jerusalem Post
have called openly for genocide of Palestinians and rightwing Israelis
are adopting neo-Nazi insignia.
Furthermore, we are disgusted and outraged by Elie Wiesel’s abuse
of our history in these pages (advertisement, 11 August; Report, 11
August) to promote blatant falsehoods used to justify the
unjustifiable: Israel’s wholesale effort to destroy Gaza and the murder
of nearly 2,000 Palestinians, including many hundreds of children.
Nothing can justify bombing UN shelters, homes, hospitals and
universities. Nothing can justify depriving people of electricity and
We must raise our collective voices
and use our collective power to bring about an end to all forms of
racism, including the ongoing genocide of Palestinian people. We call
for an immediate end to the blockade of Gaza. We call for the full
economic, cultural and academic boycott of Israel. “Never again” must
mean “Never again for anyone”.
You can see a full listing of signers here.
Dutch nonagenarian returns Righteous Among the Nations medal after six relatives killed in Gaza
(by Amira Haas, Haaretz 8/15/14, requires registration)
Henk Zanoli, who
helped save a Jewish child from deportation to concentration camps,
said holding on to the medal would be an 'insult to the family.'
A 91-year-old Dutch man who was declared
a Righteous Among the Nations for saving a Jew during the German
occupation on Thursday returned his medal and certificate because six
of his relatives were killed by an Israeli bombing in the Gaza Strip
In 2011, the Yad Vashem Holocaust museum declared Henk Zanoli and his
late mother, Johana Zanoli-Smit, Righteous Among the Nations for having
saved a Jewish child, Elhanan Pinto, during the Nazi occupation of
Holland. Pinto, born in 1932, was hidden by the Zanoli family from the
spring of 1943 until the Allies liberated Holland in 1945. His parents
perished in Nazi death camps.
In the accompanying letter, addressed to Ambassador Haim Davon, Zanoli
began by describing the price his family paid for resisting the Nazis
and their successful effort to save a Jewish child.
Ambassador Haim Davon
Embassy of Israel
2513 AH The Hague
The Hague, August 11 2014
Subject: Return of medal of honour
It is with great sorrow that I am herewith returning the medal I
received as an honour and a token of appreciation from the State of
Israel for the efforts and risks taken by
my mother and her family in saving the life of a Jewish boy during the German occupation of The Netherlands.
My mother and her nuclear family risked
their lives fighting the German occupation. My mother lost her husband
who was deported to Dachau as early as 1941 because of
his open and outspoken opposition to the German occupation. He
eventually perished in Mauthausen Concentration Camp. My sister
lost her husband who was executed in the dunes of The Hague for his
involvement in the resistance. In addition to this my brother
lost his Jewish fiancťe who was deported, never to return.
My steadfast and heroic mother nevertheless continued the struggle,
amongst others, by taking in an 11 year old Jewish boy in her home
risking both her own life and that
of her children. This boy survived the war under the wings of my mother andeventually moved to Israel.
Against this background it is particularly shocking and tragic that
today, fourgenerations on, our family is faced with the murder of our
kin in Gaza. Murder carried
out by the State of Israel.
The great- great grandchildren of my mother have lost their
grandmother, threeuncles, an aunt and a cousin at the hands of the
Israeli army. Their family apartment
building in Bureij Refugee Camp in Gaza was bombed on July 20 from an
Israeli F16,turning the four storey building to rubble, leaving every
single family member inside
I understand that in your professional
role, in which I am addressing you here, you may not be able to express
understanding for my decision. However, I am convinced
Gaza Corner Audio Broadcast
that at both a personal and human level you will have a profound
understanding of thefact that for me to hold on to the honour granted
by the State of Israel, under these
circumstances, will be both an insult to the memory of my courageous
mother whorisked her life and that of her children fighting against
suppression and for the
preservation of human life as well as an insult to those in my family,
four generationson, who lost no less than six of their relatives in
Gaza at the hands of the State of Israel.
On a more general note the following. After the horror of the
holocaust my family strongly supported the Jewish people also with
regard to their aspirations to build a
national home. Over more than six decades I have however slowly come to
realize that the Zionist project had from its beginning a racist
element in it in aspiring to build
a state exclusively for Jews. As a consequence, ethnic cleansing
took place at the time of the establishment of your state and your
state continues to suppress the Palestinian people on the West Bank and
in Gaza who live under Israeli occupation since 1967.
The actions of your state in Gaza these days have already resulted in
serious accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. As a
retired lawyer it would
be no surprise to me that these accusations could lead to possible
convictions if true and unpoliticized justice is able to have its
course. What happened to our kin in Gaza
will no doubt be brought to the table at such a time as well.
The only way out of the quagmire the Jewish people of Israel have
gotten themselves into is by granting all living under the control of
the State of Israel the same political
rights and social and economic rights and opportunities. Although
this will result in a state no longer exclusively Jewish it will be a
state with a level of righteousness on
the basis of which I could accept the title of ‘Righteous among the
Nations’ you awarded to my mother and me together with the medal.
Today I am a 91 year old man who does not expect radical change with
regard to the current sad reality within my, most likely, still limited
lifetime. If your state would be
willing and able to transform itself along the lines set out above and
there would still be an interest at that time in granting an honour to
my family for the actions of my
mother during the second world war, be sure to contact me or my descendants.
by Dore Stein 8/16/14
(click for audio)
Eyewitness Blog Entries from Gaza
by Dr. Mona El Farra:
Whole Villages Have Been Wiped Off the Map: My Visit to Khuza'a (8/12/14)
In Gaza, We Have Lost So Many That We Love
Dr. Mona El-Farra, Director of Gaza
Projects for the Middle East Children's Alliance (MECA) based in
Berkeley, is a physician by training and a human rights and women’s
rights activist by practice in the occupied Gaza Strip. She was born in
Khan Younis, Gaza and has dedicated herself to developing community
based programs that aim to improve health quality and link health
services with cultural and recreation services all over the Gaza Strip.
Dr. El-Farra is also the Health Chair of the Palestinian Red Crescent
Society of the Gaza Strip and a member of the Union of Health Work
Irish Senator and Former Presidential Candidate David Norris Condemns Gaza Massacre
(click for 8:00 video, 7/31/14)
Dr. Fara has spent most of the war at the Red Crescent society, where
she is vice president, diagnosing injuries, distributing hygiene kits
to shelters, and setting up a hotline to answer medical questions.
Irish senator and former presidential candidate David Norris
made a powerful speech on July 31 condemning Israel’s massacre in Gaza
and the complcity of American, Irish and other European governments.
Click for official transcript of Senator Norris' speech
"If no siege, no tunnels!
If no occupation, no rockets!"
says doctor with long history helping in Gaza, Dr. Mads Gilbert
(submitted by Ali Abunimah, Electronic Intifada, 8/8/14;
Click for video with English subtitles)
The Norwegian emergency surgeon returned
to his home city of TromsÝ on 31 July after spending several weeks
treating the wounded from Israel’s assault at Gaza City’s al-Shifa
He went straight from the airport to give a spontaneous speech at a
large solidarity demonstration for Gaza held at the same time.
TromsÝ is twinned with Gaza City.
“The Palestinian people’s resistance in Gaza today is admirable, it is
fair and it is a struggle for all of us. We do not want a world where
raw power can be abused, to kill those who struggle for justice,” he
Gilbert asks why after all the massacres, all of Israel’s violations of
the laws protecting civilians, there are no sanctions on Israel.
He demands to know why the government of Norway is so “quiet” as
Palestinians face “one of the most brutal occupation forces of modern
“Solidarity is a powerful weapon,” Gilbert says, ending his address
with a call for everyone to get involved in the movement for
“Israel is more isolated than ever and they deserve to be,” Gilbert says, endorsing the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement.
It is a powerful 25-minute speech.
Partial transcript follows:
Gilbert asks his fellow Norwegians to
"imagine what their country would be like today if they had not
struggled for its liberation from German occupation:
We actually built this country on respect for diversity, respect for the individual, respect for human dignity.
And imagine being back in 1945. And I beg to be understood when I
say that I am not comparing the German Nazi regime with Israel. I do
But I compare occupation with occupation.
Imagine that we in 1945 did not win the liberation struggle, did not
throw out the occupier, could not see a bright future or believe our
kids had a future. Imagine the occupier remaining in our country,
taking it piece by piece, for decades upon decades. And banished us to
the leanest areas. Took the fish in the sea, took the land, took the
water, and we became more and more confined.
And here in TromsÝ (imagine) we were actually imprisoned, because
here there was so much resistance to the occupation. So we are
imprisoned for seven years, because in an election we had chosen the
most resilient, those who would not accept the occupation.
Then after seven years of confinement in
our city, TromsÝ, the occupier began to bomb us. And they began to bomb
us the day we made a political alliance with those in the other
confined parts of occupied Norway, to say that we Norwegians would
stand together against the occupier. Then they began to bomb us.
Gaza Corner Audio Broadcast by Dore Stein 8/2/14
(click for audio)
Noteworthy Gaza articles from the last week:
They bombed our university hospital, then the medical center, then
killed our ambulance workers, they bombed schools where those who had
lost their homes were trying to seek shelter. Then they cut the power
and bombed our power plant. Then they shut off the water supply. What
would we have done?
Would we have given up, waved the white flag? No. No, we would not. And this is the situation in Gaza.
This is not a battle between terrorism and democracy. Hamas is not the
enemy Israel is fighting. Israel is waging a war against the
Palestinian people’s will to resist. The unbending determination not to
submit to the occupation!
It is the Palestinian people’s dignity and humanity that will not
accept that they are treated as third, fourth, fifth-ranking people.
In 1938, the Nazis called the Jews “Untermenschen,” subhuman.
Today, Palestinians in the West Bank, in Gaza, in the Diaspora are
treated as Untermensch, as subhumans who can be bombed, killed,
slaughtered by their thousands, without any of those in power reacting.
So I returned home to my free country – and this country is free
because we had a resistance movement, because we said that occupied
nations have the right to resist, even with weapons. It’s stated in
You are permitted to fight the occupier even with weapons. One should of course respect international law …
Nobody wants to be occupied!"
Israel Provoked This War
It's up to President Obama to stop it
(Rabbi Henry Siegman, Politico, 7/22/14)
Rabbi Henry Siegman on Democracy Now:
Siegman on Gaza:
Liberal Zionist writer Peter Beinart's
recent post on his Facebook page
included the following concluding lines which I found chilling:
"Can anyone say, with confidence, that there is any action the Israeli
government could take that American Jewish leaders would not seek to
justify? I can't, and that terrifies me."
Peter's most recent column is called What American Jews Haven't Been Told About Gaza
and appeared in Israeli newspaper Haaretz
and also as a July 30 blog entry
on his website.
"A Slaughter of Innocents" (7/30/14)
Siegman to Israel:
Stop Killing Palestinians and End the Occupation (7/31/14)
Leading Jewish voice Rabbi Henry Siegman was in the news with strong opinions about Israel's war on Gaza.
Gaza and the Loss of Civilization
(by Brian Eno, 7/28/14)
Siegman's father was one of the founding fathers of the European Zionist movement.
Siegman is former executive director of the American Jewish Congress
from 1978 to 1994 and former executive vice president of the Synagogue
Council of America. He also served as senior fellow at the
Council on Foreign Relations. He is president of the U.S./Middle East
Musician Brian Eno wrote this opinion piece which appeared on David Byrne's website.
(AmenaSaleem, Electronic Intifada, 7/25/14)
"I sense I'm breaking an unspoken rule with this letter, but I can't keep quiet anymore.
Why does America continue its blind support of this one-sided exercise in ethnic cleansing?
As for the Peace Process: Israel wants the Process but not the Peace.
Like it or not, in the eyes of most of the world, America represents
'The West'. So it is The West that is seen as supporting this
war, despite all our high-handed talk about morality and
democracy...The war has no moral justification that I can see -
but it doesn't even have any pragmatic value either."
Gaza Corner Audio Broadcast by Dore Stein 7/26/14
Peter Gabriel and Brian Eno are among 21,000 people who have signed an open letter
to David Cameron, the British prime minister, demanding an immediate halt to the arms trade between the UK and Israel.
Journalist and activist Jemima Khan said: “Where is the world-wide
uproar? Shame on our leaders who would speak up if this were happening
to any other country on Earth.”
Member of parliament Jeremy Corbyn told journalists today: “The UK has
a very close relationship with Israel, including buying and selling
arms, and it’s time that this relationship was brought to an end since
Israel is now under investigation for war crimes over the bombing of
“I received an email from Dr. Mads Gilbert, working in Shifa hospital
[in Gaza City], and it brought tears to my eyes when he was describing
the pools of blood, the electricity cut off, the lack of clean water
and the continuous surge of the dead and injured pouring into the
hospital. It’s people like that who are saving lives, and Israel which
is taking lives.”
Film-maker Ken Loach told reporters: “It’s disgraceful that our
government is arming the State of Israel to continue its slaughter of
civilians, of women and children. Everyone must be devastated by the
sight of the maimed and the dead in Gaza, and everyone must direct
their anger towards the Israeli war machine.”
(click for audio)
note: my apologies to Gabor Mate who in my live comments was mistakenly referrred to as 'she'.
The Beautiful Dream of Israel
has Become a Nightmare
(by Gabor Mate, Vancouver based author, speaker and Holocaust survivor
who wrote this opinion piece in the Toronto Star, 7/22/14)
As a Jewish youngster growing up in
Budapest, an infant survivor of the Nazi genocide, I was for years
haunted by a question resounding in my brain with such force that
sometimes my head would spin: “How was it possible? How could the world
have let such horrors happen?”
It was a naÔve question, that of a child. I know better now: such
is reality. Whether in Vietnam or Rwanda or Syria, humanity stands by
either complicitly or unconsciously or helplessly, as it always does.
In Gaza today we find ways of justifying the bombing of hospitals, the
annihilation of families at dinner, the killing of pre-adolescents
playing soccer on a beach.
In Israel-Palestine the powerful
party has succeeded in painting itself as the victim, while the ones
being killed and maimed become the perpetrators. “They don’t care about
life,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says, abetted by the
Obamas and Harpers of this world, “we do.” Netanyahu, you who with
surgical precision slaughter innocents, the young and the old, you who
have cruelly blockaded Gaza for years, starving it of necessities, you
who deprive Palestinians of more and more of their land, their water,
their crops, their trees — you care about life?
There is no understanding Gaza out of context — Hamas rockets or
unjustifiable terrorist attacks on civilians — and that context is the
longest ongoing ethnic cleansing operation in the recent and present
centuries, the ongoing attempt to destroy Palestinian nationhood.
The Palestinians use tunnels? So did my heroes, the poorly armed
fighters of the Warsaw Ghetto. Unlike Israel, Palestinians lack Apache
helicopters, guided drones, jet fighters with bombs, laser-guided
artillery. Out of impotent defiance, they fire inept rockets, causing
terror for innocent Israelis but rarely physical harm. With such a
gross imbalance of power, there is no equivalence of culpability.
Israel wants peace? Perhaps, but as the veteran Israeli journalist
Gideon Levy has pointed out, it does not want a just peace. Occupation
and creeping annexation, an inhumane blockade, the destruction of olive
groves, the arbitrary imprisonment of thousands, torture, daily
humiliation of civilians, house demolitions: these are not policies
compatible with any desire for a just peace. In Tel Aviv Gideon Levy
now moves around with a bodyguard, the price of speaking the truth.
I have visited Gaza and the West
Bank. I saw multi-generational Palestinian families weeping in
hospitals around the bedsides of their wounded, at the graves of their
dead. These are not people who do not care about life. They are like us
— Canadians, Jews, like anyone: they celebrate life, family, work,
education, food, peace, joy. And they are capable of hatred, they can
harbour vengeance in the hearts, just like we can.
I used to believe that if people knew the facts, they would open
to the truth. That, too, was naÔve. This issue is far too charged with
“People’s leaders have been misleaders, so they that are led have
been confused,” in the words of the prophet Jeremiah. The voices of
justice and sanity are not heeded. Netanyahu has his reasons. Harper
and Obama have theirs.
And what shall we do, we ordinary people? I pray we can listen to
our hearts. My heart tells me that “never again” is not a tribal
slogan, that the murder of my grandparents in Auschwitz does not
justify the ongoing dispossession of Palestinians, that justice, truth,
peace are not tribal prerogatives. That Israel’s “right to defend
itself,” unarguable in principle, does not validate mass killing.
But can we not be sad together at what that beautiful old dream of
Jewish redemption has come to? Can we not grieve the death of
innocents? I am sad these days. Can we not at least mourn together?
A Palestinian woman carries her belongings past the rubble of houses destroyed by Israeli strikes in Beit Hanoun.
Photograph: Lefteris Pitarakis/AP
A pause in the bombing by Israeli forces -
and the ruins of Gaza are laid bare
(Peter Beaumont, The Observer, Guardian UK, 7/26/14)
the dangerous streets around the hospital in Beit Hanoun, the buildings
were, by and large, still standing on Friday afternoon. By Saturday
morning, after a day of intense Israeli bombing and shellfire, the
hospital in the northern Gaza town was standing in a sea of rubble, its
walls pockmarked with gunfire and torn by shrapnel.
The skyline, until so
recently regular and neat, had been transformed into something torn and
ragged. The tops of a pair of minarets had been blown off, and the
graves in a cemetery smashed to pieces. Houses, offices, apartment
blocks and shops were collapsed or collapsing.
What happened here in Beit
Hanoun, and in other neighbourhoods of Gaza hardest hit by the Israeli
assault, will inevitably demand an explanation: whether the extremity
of violence unleashed in these residential areas in recent days was
proportionate, or if the destruction amounts to a war crime.
Those are questions for the
days ahead. On Saturday, however, in the midst of a 12-hour
humanitarian ceasefire, the concerns were more immediate ones, as
thousands of Palestinian residents flocked back to their ruined
neighbourhoods to see what remained.
As they came on foot and in
cars, they were accompanied by fire engines, bulldozers and ambulances
of the Red Crescent, whose crews by mid-afternoon had recovered 85
bodies, many of them partially decomposed, buried under the rubble of
Gaza's most damaged neighbourhoods. Officials said the death toll among
Palestinians had passed 1,000.
In some places visited by the
Observer whole blocks had been flattened, dozens of buildings at a time
reduced to a moonscape from which the smell of death at times wafted.
"My house, my house," said
another man, hitting his head with his hand. Nothing, it seems, had
escaped the flying pieces of white-hot metal thrown out by the bombs –
not electricity cables, or cars left behind, not windows or doors.
Near the hospital a man
leads a horse out of the ruins, a long streak of blood staining its
hindquarters where it was struck by shrapnel. Elsewhere, we come across
donkeys and cattle killed where they were left tied up in the street,
scorched, stomachs swelling with gas.
A group of men show us the home of the Shabat family, seven of whom died when it was flattened by a bomb.
It is hard to imagine that anyone who did not flee could have survived the attack, but a few did.
"We lived through a
night of horror. The shelling was all around our house," says Hanan
al-Zaanin, standing with four of her children outside their home.
Zoheir Hamad is with his wife
Umm Fadi next to a home that is little more than a few barely standing
walls; the water pumping station next to them is also badly damaged.
"We left at the beginning of the war," says Zoheir.
"It is the first time that we
have managed to come back." Umm Fadi adds: "We're staying in the UN
school in Jabaliya. We came to get clothes for the children. But there
is nothing left."
It is the phrase we hear
throughout a long day: "Nothing left." And it is true. Whole areas that
were once inhabited have been reduced to a landscape of earth and dust
and broken shapes.
Although in places there is
evidence fighting has taken place, what is hard to comprehend is the
Israeli justification for the scale of the destruction, save
destruction for its own sake in pursuit of a policy of collective
Ahead of probable
international criticism over the scale of the destruction, some Israeli
political figures were trying to deny the scale of the attacks was in
any way disproportionate.
And if Beit Hanoun is largely
destroyed, Shujai'iya, an eastern neighbourhood of Gaza that has been
shelled and bombed for a week, is incomparably worse.
In the midst of an area of
rubble the size of two football pitches in the last of these areas, we
meet three brothers standing on what was once the four-storey building
in which their families lived in four apartments. Next to them is a
bomb crater measuring 10 metres across and six metres deep.
Alaa Helou, 35, a carpenter,
points to what is no longer there. "That was a two-storey house. There
was three storeys and over there was four storeys high. We came to see
our house. We thought it might have been damaged by a shell. But there
is nothing left of it."
"We spent 20 years making our place nice," says his older brother. "We spent all of our money on our homes."
If there is something
worse than the scenes of destruction, it is what is visible in the
faces in Beit Hanoun and Shujai'iya. A man is led away down one street
in Shujai'iya; staggering and blind with grief he his held up by two
others. Women sit in the dust, crying.
We find 33-year-old Rifaat
Suqr sitting outside his gutted house, a stunned look on his face. "It
is like an earthquake hit this street," he says. "An earthquake."
Except that this was not an earthquake. This was the work of men.
No ceasefire without justice in Gaza
We will not "return to a living death" of siege
and blockade, say Gaza civil society leaders
(published in Electronic Intifada, 7/22/14)
We will not “return to a living death” of siege and blockade, say Gaza civil society leaders.
As academics, public figures and activists witnessing the intended
genocide of 1.8 million Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip, we call
for a ceasefire with Israel only if conditioned on an end to the
blockade and the restoration of basic freedoms that have been denied to
the people for more than seven years.
Our foremost concerns are not only the health and safety of the
people in our communities, but also the quality of their lives – their
ability to live free of fear of imprisonment without due process, to
support their families through gainful employment, and to travel to
visit their relatives and further their education.
These are fundamental human aspirations that have been severely
limited for the Palestinian people for more than 47 years, but that
have been particularly deprived from residents of Gaza since 2007. We
have been pushed beyond the limits of what a normal person can be
expected to endure.
A living death
Charges in the media and by
politicians of various stripes that accuse Hamas of ordering Gaza
residents to resist evacuation orders, and thus use them as human
shields, are untrue. With temporary shelters full and the
indiscriminate Israeli shelling, there is literally no place that is
safe in Gaza.
Likewise, Hamas represented the sentiment of the vast majority of
residents when it rejected the unilateral ceasefire proposed by Egypt
and Israel without consulting anyone in Gaza. We share the broadly held
public sentiment that it is unacceptable to merely return to the status
quo – in which Israel strictly limits travel in and out of the Gaza
Strip, controls the supplies that come in (including a ban on most
construction materials), and prohibits virtually all exports, thus
crippling the economy and triggering one of the highest poverty and
unemployment rates in the Arab world.
To do so would mean a return to a living death.
Unfortunately, past experience has shown that the Israeli
government repeatedly reneges on promises for further negotiations, as
well as on its commitments to reform.
Likewise, the international community has demonstrated no
political will to enforce these pledges. Therefore, we call for a
ceasefire only when negotiated conditions result in the following:
Freedom of movement of Palestinians in and out of the Gaza Strip.
Unlimited import and export of supplies and goods, including by land, sea and air.
Unrestricted use of the Gaza seaport.
Monitoring and enforcement of these agreements
by a body appointed by the United Nations, with appropriate security
Each of these expectations is taken for granted by most countries,
and it is time for the Palestinians of Gaza to be accorded the human
rights they deserve.
Link for signatures.
An Old Man and a Young Man in Gaza
(Poem by Heathcote Williams with grateful acknowledgements to Angela Godfrey-Goldstein; courtesy international .it, 7/17/14)
“No man can cause more grief than
the one clinging blindly to the vices of his ancestors.” William
Faulkner, Intruder in the Dust
An old man holds a placard that reads,
“You take my water, burn my olive trees,
Destroy my house, take my job, steal my land, Imprison my father, kill my mother,
Bombard my country, starve us all,
Humiliate us all, but I am to blame:
I shot a rocket back.”
Here are some ungodly chants
From the Zionist Book of Psalms
Which are used to justify
Laying waste to a whole country
And to its inhabitants:
“We must blow Gaza back to the Middle Ages
Destroying all the infrastructure including roads and water”
Eli Yishai, former Deputy Prime Minister.
“There are no innocents in Gaza. Mow them down …
Kill the Gazans without thought or mercy.”
Michael Ben-Ari, an ex-member of the Knesset.
Gaza should be “bombed so hard the population Has to flee into Egypt”
Israel Katz, a Minister of Transportation.
The Chabad Lubavitch Rabbi Schneerson,
A self proclaimed Messiah
Whose followers await his return from the dead, (As if the Rabbi hadn’t preached
Enough when alive by his making the claim
That his religion heralded a new Master Race) – Has a devoted and powerful acolyte, Rabbi Manis Friedman,
Who declares that the “only way to fight a moral war” Is to “destroy the Arabs’ holy sites” and “to kill them.”
To “kill men, women and children”, and to eliminate anyone Who stands in the way of a Greater Israel.
Ethnic cleansing is Israel’s origin
Netanyahu tells students at Bar Ilan University (1977),
“Israel should have exploited the repression
Of the demonstrations in China,
When world attention focused on that country,
To carry out mass expulsions
Among the Arabs of the territories.”
In front of their Arab neighbours,
A song is sung by settlers at Purim
Praising Baruch Goldstein’s massacre
Of 29 Palestinians at prayer during Ramadan:
“Dr. Goldstein, there is none other like you in the world.
Dr. Goldstein, we all love you… he aimed at terrorists’ heads,
Squeezed the trigger hard, and shot bullets,
And shot, and shot.”
At this settler hero’s funeral, Rabbi Yaacov Perrin famously
claimed that even one million Arabs Are “not worth a Jewish fingernail”.
Goldstein’s mass murder created suicide bombers –
Some two hundred amongst ten million Palestinians –
Which led to Israel’s land-grabbing apartheid wall.
The Israeli lawmaker, Ayelet Shaked, calls
For the genocide of Palestinians on Facebook
And she advocates “the slaughter of Palestinian mothers
Who give birth to ‘little snakes,’”
“The entire Palestinian people is the enemy.”
She urges their complete destruction,
“including its elderly and its women.”
Two Israeli girls hold up a banner
“Hating Arabs is not racism, it’s values!”
Placing the Hebrew word for “Arabs”, ARAVIM,
Into Twitter reveals young Israelis desiring
That Arabs die or be tortured to death.
The US House of Representatives
Votes unanimously to reaffirm its full support for Israel.
US jets duly declare war on Arab children
Whose futures they disintegrate.
In the southern Gaza city of Khan Younis,
Eight members of the Al Haj family
Are killed, including five children.
Four Arab children, fishermens’ children
First cousins from the Bakr family, aged nine to eleven,
Playing football on the Gaza beach in July, 2014,
Are shot dead by an Israeli gunboat.
A 12-year-old boy loses 18 members of his family in an air raid
From US planes including his father, a schoolteacher,
A photograph of Abdul Rahman Al-Batsh
Shows his shoulders slumped against a car.
It’s the moment that he’s discovered
That his father is amongst the dead.
Later Abdul Rahman would say,
“They think we are worth nothing. They are killers,
They have no humanity,
And one day I will avenge my father.”
Israel receives more aid from the US
Than the whole of the continent of Africa
Comfortably seated on camp chairs and sofas
Some fifty Israelis gather to eat popcorn
And watch from a Sderot hilltop
As bombs rain down from US-supplied F-16s.
They clap and applaud each deadly blast
From 1,000-pound iron fragmentation bombs.
The conquerors’ fans draw up their chairs;
Swigging on beers as they tend their barbecue
And watch Gaza burn from their vantage-point
In Sderot (once the Palestinian village of Najd).
Someone points out that Hamas
(Rather than it having been elected)
Is “a death-cult” and Palestinians “enjoy martyrdom”
So “we’re doing the Arabs a favour.”
A lurid cocktail of triumphalist hatred,
Mixed with smoke from burning flesh,
Blinds them to Palestine’s righteous yearning
Their right in international law;
To be unencumbered by occupation
To be free from being Israel’s penal colony;
Free from being stateless in a brutalized Bantustan –
A colonized people who are jeered at and decried
For their minimal attempts to fight back.
Later that night a bomb would land on a Gaza care home
Filled with elderly patients who cannot move
And with children who are already disabled;
Incited by a fascistic atavism,
Israeli Jews go on the rampage
Looking to beat any Arab they encounter
To heighten their sense of victory.
On July 2nd, 2014,
A young man in Shuafat, Jerusalem,
A 16-year old boy with a knowing, elfin smile
Is pulled into a car
And kidnapped in East Jerusalem
While waiting to go into the mosque.
He is tied and beaten;
He has gasoline poured into his mouth
And he is burned alive.
His body is found in the Jerusalem Forest;
Battered in the head
And with soot deposits in the lungs
Suggesting he’s still breathing
When set on fire.
Ninety per cent of his body is burned.
Another victim of Israel’s slow motion genocide –
A holocaust which, this time,
Is being financed and uncritically supported
By ‘the good guys’,
By the internationally ‘great and the good’,
By the craven chorus of the compliant
Who ritually pipe up to defend
Israel’s right to defend itself –
To defend the indefensible,
And to supply the money
The weapons, and the excuses
To enable it to do so.
It has no need of the fearful hatred,
Fuelling its bombs and its bullets,
Unless it wishes to fade away –
Putting out the light that might enable it
To see the stranger as a friend.
Click for footnotes located at bottom of poem.
Israel firing experimental weapons
at Gaza's civilians , say doctors(Rania Khalek, Electronic Intifada, 7/15/14)
Doctors treating patients in Gaza have accused Israel of using experimental weapons on Palestinian civilians.
Using Gaza as a laboratory
Addressing reporters at a press conference on Sunday, Youssef Abul
Resh, undersecretary of the health ministry in Gaza, said, “Medical
teams have registered injuries consistent with those caused by DIME
[dense inert metal explosives] and other banned weapons.”
DIME munitions were developed by the US
Air Force in 2006 and have since been tested repeatedly on the people
of Gaza, who have long served as involuntary lab rats for Israel’s
DIME bombs contain tungsten, a cancer-causing metal that helps to
produce incredibly destructive blasts which slice through flesh and
bone, often decapitating the lower limbs of people within the blast
Renowned Norwegian doctor Mads Gilbert, who witnessed the horrific
injuries caused by DIME bombs during Israel’s 2009 Gaza onslaught, told
The Electronic Intifada over the phone from al-Shifa hospital in Gaza
City that patients are showing up with DIME-related injuries.
“A good number of the injuries seen here are consistent with the use of
dense inert metal explosives, or DIME, that we saw during the 2009
attack and also in 2006,” said Gilbert. “The bodies are pretty much
destroyed by enormous energy released by the explosives that are shot
near them or at them.”
Gilbert first witnessed the effects of DIME munitions on the human body
during Operation Summer Rains, Israel’s 2006 months-long attack on the
Gaza Strip that killed more than four hundred Palestinians. “Large
chunks of flesh, of muscles were cut away. We didn’t find any shrapnel
and [the wounds] were delivering a strange fume. Gradually we came to
understand these must have been the new DIME weapons developed by the
US Air Force together with the Israelis,” he said.
The experimental weapon was used on a
larger scale during Operation Cast Lead, Israel’s attack on Gaza in
late 2008 and early 2009, which killed 1,400 Palestinians, including
Through Lens, 4 Boys Dead by Gaza Shore
“We had a large number of patients who came in with these horrendous
injuries where arms and legs were cut off as though a huge axe had
chopped off their limbs with a direct immense force, cutting through
skin, muscles and bones. Bones would be shattered and completely cut
off,” Gilbert recounted. “In addition we saw very, very
destructive burns coming from some extreme temperature that turned
skin, muscle and even bones into charcoal.”
But Gilbert warned that focusing on
the DIME weapons, which are not explicity banned under international
law, risks distracting from Israel’s far more damaging crimes against
the people of Gaza.
“The siege and the constant bombing of civilian targets —
those two issues are much more important than if [the Israelis] choose
to use a traditional shell with a grenade or a DIME weapon,” he argued.
“As a doctor, my prescription is very clear. Number one, stop the
bombing, and that means stop Israel from bombing civilians and
indiscriminately hitting families. Number two, lift the siege. And
number three, find a political solution,” said Gilbert.
“And at the core of the political solution is equity and justice for
the Palestinian people to be treated in an equal way as all other human
beings protected by international law with UN security, dignity and the
right to live their lives in peace.”
(by Tyler Hicks, NY Times , 7/16/14)
I had returned to my small seaside hotel
around 4 p.m. to file photos to New York when I heard a loud explosion.
My driver and I rushed to the window to see what had happened. A small
shack atop a sea wall at the fishing port had been struck by an Israeli
bomb or missile and was burning. A young boy emerged from the smoke,
running toward the adjacent beach.
NBC News Pulls Veteran Reporter from Gaza After Witnessing Israeli Attack on Children(Glen Greenwald, Firstlook.org/The Intercept, 7/17/14)
Update: NBC was shamed into reinstating the reporter a few days later.
I grabbed my cameras and was putting on body armor and a helmet when,
about 30 seconds after the first blast, there was another. The boy I
had seen running was now dead, lying motionless in the sand, along with
three other boys who had been playing there.
If children are being killed, what is there to protect me, or anyone else?
There is no safe place in Gaza right now. Bombs can land at any time, anywhere.
A small metal shack with no electricity or running water on a jetty in
the blazing seaside sun does not seem like the kind of place frequented
by Hamas militants, the Israel Defense Forces’ intended targets.
Children, maybe four feet tall, dressed in summer clothes, running from
an explosion, don’t fit the description of Hamas fighters, either.
Israelis are completely misled about what's going on
"I haven’t slept for a second as the explosions have surrounded our
home, yet the international community seems to be paying no attention
(by Abeer Ayyoub, Haaretz, 7/11/14)
note: Haaretz articles require registration
A doll lies on the rubble of a destroyed building following an
Israeli air strike in Gaza City on July 11, 2014. Photo by AFP
GAZA - Enjoying the relatively calm
hours in the early morning following a noisy sleepless night, everyone
in the house was sleeping when my brother, who lives in the same
building, came to wake us. He told us that our neighbor got a phone
call from the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) asking him to evacuate
his house, which was about to be bombed. Our neighbor’s house is only
couple of meters away; getting ready for the closest bombardment yet
was so traumatizing.
My mother opened all the windows so the strike wouldn't break
them; broken glass is usually the main cause of injuries in such cases.
The 20 members of my extended family gathered in the living room
waiting for the awful event. Taking care of the children who didn’t
know what was going on was the hardest challenge. As I write this, a
couple of hours have passed since the call, and we are still,
surprisingly, waiting for the strike so we can get rid of the massive
panic everyone at home is suffering.
Last night wasn’t like any other night. The extremely noisy drones
haven’t stopped circling the sky of Gaza for a second, F16s haven’t
stopped targeting for a single hour, and the gunboats continued to
shell the area near the beach for the whole night.
I could not sleep for a second as
the explosions were surrounding us; in the besieged coastal enclave,
the furthest point in Gaza is still close by, as the territory is so
small. I was following the news on social media, TV and radio channels.
For the whole night, the rockets were targeting buildings with tens of
people sleeping inside. Nothing changed from one area to another,
except for the family names.
Curiously, I was looking for Israeli spokesperson interviews
online to see how they connected the announced goals of Operation
Protective Edge, stopping the rockets from Gaza and damaging the
infrastructure of Hamas, and killing dozens of children and other
innocent civilians while sleeping. I watched an interview with IDF
spokesman Avichay Adrey on one of the Arabic channels, and I was
totally surprised by him talking about the success of the operation so
I don’t know what success Israel is talking about when most of the
86 people killed (through early Thursday) were children and women.
note: By Friday afternoon, the Palestinian Health Ministry put the
death toll in Gaza at 81 people — among them 22 children, 15 women and
12 elderly people — since Operation Protective Edge began on
Tuesday. Another 537 people have been injured.
As of Saturday morning Gaza time, 114 Palestinians were killed by
the IDF, including 26 children and 18 women. (By Saturday night the
death toll had reached at least 151).
Through social media, I could know
that most of the Israelis are totally misled about what’s going on in
Gaza. My Israeli followers on Twitter keep telling me that I should
move away from Hamas if I want to stay alive, as Hamas is a monster
that lives somewhere here. In contrast, I could always understand how
it feels for an Israeli child to be killed. I never excluded humanity
from how I look at the Israeli-Palestinian scene.
After dozens of houses were demolished, I started to feel real
danger; my siblings did, too. Israel always claimed that civilians are
only hurt when they are near areas where Palestinian fighters fire
rockets, yet this narrative is not acceptable anymore. I think that
Israel is trying to place more pressure on Hamas to seek a cease-fire
by killing more civilians.
Visiting the main hospital in the central Gaza Strip, I could zoom
in on the Israeli craziness more and more. Injured babies, burnt flesh
and children who still don’t know they lost their parents and siblings
are everywhere in the hospital. Much worse, I am told that the hospital
has run through over 35 percent of its medicine and 55 percent of its
medical supplies. Surprisingly, yet maybe not, none of the Arab or
international countries around seem to be paying attention to what’s
happening to the 1.8 million-plus human beings living in Gaza. (The
total area of Gaza is 139 sq miles.)
Being left under crazy rockets, the lack of regional and
international support and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas'
disappointing attitude is leaving people here hopeless and desperate. I
now know why Israel is violating international human rights laws,
because no one in the world dares to cast a veto on its actions.
Waiting for our turn in the slaughter house
(by Amira Haas, Haaretz, 7/13/14)
“On Thursday afternoon a building
in the neighborhood was bombed. With a missile. All the air filled up
with light, a sort of big ball of fire we only started seeing during
this attack,” a woman I will call 'T'. related at noon on Friday. Like
all Gazans, they didn’t sleep at night and fell asleep only at around 8
A.M. According to a woman I will call 'A', the target was presumably a
Hamas institution located in the building, in Gaza City’s Tel al-Hawa
neighborhood, but the missile missed and killed Dr. Anas Rizaq Abu
al-Kas, 33, in his clinic.
The physician’s “father and mother
were also killed, also in error, during Operation Pillar of Defense, in
2012,” 'A' added.
T., in an uncharacteristically weak voice, continued. “At night we
wait for day. In the day we wait for night. Waiting for our turn in the
slaughterhouse. We heard just this morning how the entire Ghanam
family, from Rafah, died. Another family that was killed,” T. says.
'A' tells me that one member of the Ghanam family was an Islamic
Jihad member. In its daily report issued late Friday, the Palestinian
Center for Human Rights wrote that early Friday morning: “Israeli
warplanes launched 3 missiles without a prior warning at a house
belonging to ‘Abdul Raziq Hassan al-Ghannam, 58. As a result, he, his
wife, his son, his daughter and his relative were killed:
Less than an hour earlier, at approximately 4:35 A.M. Friday, an
Israeli warplane fired a missile at tunnels in the Sha’ath neighborhood
of Rafah. Nour Marwan al-Nijdi, 10, was killed by shrapnel; her brother
Abdul Rahman, 15, and her mother, Salwa Ahmed al-Nijdi, 49, were
wounded. They were in their home at the time.
“You can never know which window the missile will come through. I
told the children and my husband: ‘We should always remain together, in
one room. If a missile comes, we’ll all be killed, so none of us is
left alive, alone,’” related T. “Our youngest daughters are afraid to
shower, fearing that a missile will come and kill everyone else just
then. I told them: ‘We shower so as to be clean when we die.’ The
children are stronger than I. They tell me, stop being afraid. Either
we’ll die or we’ll live.’”
'T' ponders, “Where are the Arabs,
where are the Europeans, where is the West Bank? It’s our fate,
operated by a remote control of the Israeli army.”
'F', a woman from Rafah, says also sees the ball of fire after
every air strike. “The whole house shakes,” even when the explosion is
far away, she says. Everyone experiences it: The pilotless
drones, meanwhile, never stop buzzing.
“Since yesterday we haven’t slept, 24 hours have gone by and we
don’t sleep,” 'F' says. “We don’t see our daughters and our siblings
who live in other parts of the city. No one leaves their home. And now
there’s no electricity, either (because Rafah is dependent on Egypt for
its power), and the house is so hot,” F. says.
L., also from Rafah, discusses a family on her street that was
informed by phone that its home was about to be destroyed. “The
neighbors immediately told everyone to leave, because when they bomb
one house the houses nearby are damaged, too, and you can be killed by
shrapnel or injured by flying glass,” says L. “We woke my
father-in-law, who is 88. He was so scared he was shaking. The poor guy
was afraid he wouldn’t be able to cross the street. After about an hour
the explosion came. We opened the windows ahead of time, and they
didn’t shatter. But at my brother’s place, in the Tel al-Sultan refugee
camp, all the windows shattered from an explosion that was nearby, and
he came with his family to live with us. My 8-year-old daughter asked,
‘Why are they bombing during Ramadan?’”
International activists staying at Gaza hospital
the IDF plans to bomb
14 patients, men and women over the age of 60 that cannot be moved remain hospitalized at Gaza's only rehabilitation hospital.
(by Amira Haas, Haaretz/Reuters, 7/12/14)
International solidarity activists
are staying in a Gaza hospital, which the Israel Defense Forces has
indicated it plans to bomb, as a human shield. They joined patients
unable to leave because the rest of Gaza's hospitals are in a state of
emergency, treating persons injured in the bombings and waiting for
more patients to come in.
Two warning rockets were fired at the Al Wafa hospital east of
Gaza City at 2 A.M. early Friday morning, Director Basman al Ashi told
Haaretz. At 7 P.M. a rocket was fired at the fourth floor, blasting a
large hole in the ceiling and shattering windows. The floor was
evacuated on Wednesday.
Al Wafa is the only rehabilitation hospital in the Gaza Strip.
Established in 1996, it is intended for patients injured in serious
accidents. Currently there are 14 patients aged over 60 being treated
in the hospital, who require constant care and who cannot take care of
themselves without medical supervision. Some of them are immobile,
others are being fed intravenously. 25 other patients in less of an
acute state left the hospital.
Joseph Catron, a 33-year-old American, is one of the activists
that decided to stay at the hospital as a human shield together with
colleges from New Zealand, Australia, England, Spain, Sweden, and
Venezuela. Catron told Haaretz that the hospital's director took them
on a tour of all the hospital's floors and rooms and "though I am not a
military man, I didn't see anything resembling a rocket in the
According to Catron, he and his friends notified their respective
embassies that they are staying at the hospital slated to be bombed by
Former Shin Bet chief Diskin: Delusional Israeli government brought us to this security deterioration
Diskin criticizes Israeli leadership that is under the 'illusion
The escalation of violence in the territories, Jerusalem and the
triangle (of Arab towns in central Israel) are the direct result of the
policies of the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former
Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin wrote late Friday in a harshly critical
that the Palestinians will just accept all that
we are doing in the West Bank and not respond.'
note: Israel's internal security service, Shin Bet or Shabak
to in depth Al Jazeera article: "Inside Shin Bet") as it is known in
both Hebrew and Arabic, is one of the three branches of the Israeli
General Security Service (GSS) alongside Aman (military intelligence)
and the Mossad (foreign intelligence service).
In his lengthy comment, Diskin wrote that the rapid deterioration
in the security situation has shattered the Israeli leadership's
"illusion that Israel's frustrated Arab citizens will not at the end of
the day take to the streets over the lack of response to their problems
and the containment of the Palestinians in the West Bank, and will not
react despite their frustration and the worsening economic situation."
This illusion, Diskin said, "worked perfectly for as long as the
defense establishment succeeded in providing impressive calm in the
defense arena. The rapid deterioration in the security situation was
not only down to the brutal murders of Naftali, Eyal and Gil-Ad, but
first and foremost it is the result of the illusion that the
government's stagnation in every area was really keeping the situation
in deep freeze."
Diskin, who headed the Shin Bet for six years, went on to define
the various "illusions" that he says the government is propagating.
"The illusion that 'price tag' attacks are just a few slogans on
the walls and not really racism; the illusion that everything can be
solved with a little more force; the illusion that the Palestinians
will just accept all that we are doing in the West Bank and not
respond, despite their rage, frustration and worsening economic
situation; the illusion that the international community will not
impose sanctions on us; that Israel's frustrated Arab citizens will not
ultimately take to the streets over the lack of treatment of their
problems; and the Israeli public will keep submissively accepting the
government's incompetent response to the social gaps that its policies
have only worsened, when corruption continues to eat away at all that
is good, and so on and so on."
Diskin concluded with a grave warning that there could still be worse to come.
"Anyone who thinks that this can be sustained is making a huge
mistake. What has been happening in recent days could be much worse -
even if the situation temporarily calms down. Do not be fooled for one
moment, because the massive internal pressure will still be there, the
combustible fumes in the air will not dissipate, and if we do not
dispel them, there will be an even more serious situation."
Muslim Americans of different backgrounds and cultures are marking the Holy Month of Ramadan [AP]
Ramadan: A centuries-old American tradition
Many forget that the first Muslims to celebrate
Ramadan in America were African slaves.
(Al Jazeera, Khaled A Beydoun, Opinion, 6/28/14)
This weekend marks the beginning of
Ramadan. Nearly one-fourth of the world will observe the annual fast
and eight million Muslims in the United States will abstain from food
and drink from sunrise to sunset during the holy month.
Islam in America is rapidly expanding. It is the fastest-growing religion in the nation, and the second most practiced faith in
twenty states. These demographic shifts prompted a prominent Los
Angeles-based imam to comment, "Ramadan is a new American tradition."
The cleric's forward-looking pronouncement marks Islam's recent arrival
in the US. However, this statement reveals a pathology afflicting a lot
of Muslim Americans today - an inability to look back and embrace the
opening chapters of Muslim American history written by enslaved African
Social scientists estimate (links to 92 pg PDF "Muslims & the Making of America")
that 15 to 30 percent, or, "[a]s many as 600,000 to 1.2 million slaves"
in antebellum America were Muslims. 46 percent of the slaves in the
antebellum South were kidnapped (links to book "Servants of Allah: African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas") from Africa's western regions, which boasted "significant numbers of Muslims".
These enslaved Muslims strove to
meet the demands of their faith, most notably the Ramadan fast,
prayers, and community meals, in the face of comprehensive slave codes
that linked religious activity to insubordination and rebellion.
Marking Ramadan as a "new American tradition" not only overlooks the
holy month observed by enslaved Muslims many years ago, but also
perpetuates their erasure from Muslim-American
Although the Quran "[a]llows a believer to abstain from fasting if
he or she is far from home or involved in strenuous work," many
enslaved Muslims demonstrated transcendent piety by choosing to fast
while bonded. In addition to abstaining from food and drink, enslaved
Muslims held holy month prayers in slave quarters, and put together
iftars - meals at sundown to break the fast - that brought observing
Muslims together. These prayers and iftars violated slave codes
restricting assembly of any kind.
Therefore, practicing Islam and observing Ramadan and its
fundamental rituals, for enslaved Muslims in antebellum America,
necessitated the violation of slave codes. This exposed them to
barbaric punishment, injury, and oftentimes, even death. However, the
courage to observe the holy month while bonded, and in the face of
grave risk, highlights the supreme piety of many enslaved Muslims.
Ramadan was widely observed by enslaved Muslims. Yet, this history
is largely ignored by Muslim American leaders and laypeople alike - and
erased from the modern Muslim American narrative.
Muslim America was almost entirely
black during the antebellum Era. Today, it stands as the most diverse
Muslim community in the world. Today African Americans comprise a
significant part of the community along with Muslims of South Asian and
Arab descent. Latin Americans are a rapidly growing demographic in the
community, ensuring that Muslims in America are a microcosm of their
home nation's overall multiculturalism.
Muslim diversity in the US has reshaped Ramadan into a multicultural American tradition.
This Muslim American multiculturalism comes with many challenges:
Namely, intra-racism, Arab supremacy, and anti-black racism prevents
cohesion inside and outside of American mosques. These deplorable
trends perpetuate the erasure of the Muslim slave narrative.
Integrating this history will not only mitigate racism and facilitate
Muslim American cohesion, but also reveal the deep-rootedness of the
faith, and its holiest month, on US
This Ramadan honouring the memory of the first Muslim Americans
and their struggle for freedom seems an ideal step towards rewriting
this missing chapter of Muslim American history into our collective
Khaled A Beydoun is the Critical Race Studies Teaching Fellow at the UCLA School of Law.
Follow him on Twitter: @KhaledBeydoun
Israel seizes political, military opportunity
in teens' disappearance
(Electronic Intifada, Maureen Clare Murphy 6/19/14)
Palestinians mourn over the body of twenty-year-old Ahmad Sabarin
Since three Israeli youths went missing while hitchhiking in the
occupied West Bank on 12 June, Israel has mobilized all its resources
“to crush Hamas in the West Bank and destroy the recently formed unity
government as well as collectively punish the Palestinian people.”
So states the rights group Addameer
in a fact sheet (see below)
issued today on Israel’s ongoing West Bank military assault and the
Palestinian hunger strike long underway in Israeli prisons.
The Israeli government has so far offered no evidence that the Hamas
party is responsible for the disappearance of the youths . No
Palestinian faction has claimed responsibility.
rom Jalazone refugee camp during his
funeral, 16 June. Sabarin was killed by Israeli soldiers in the refugee
camp on the outskirts of the West Bank city of Ramallah, according to
medics and witnesses.
(Issam Rimawi / APA images)
Addameer Fact Sheet
International media ignore Israel's
On 12 June, it was announced that three
illegal Israeli settlers disappeared on the roads between Hebron and
Bethlehem. Since the announcement, the Israeli government has
sanctioned widespread attacks on Palestinians in the form of invasions,
mass arrests, killings, home demolitions and new legislation that curbs
the rights of Palestinians and prisoners.
The following is an analysis by Addameer Prisoner Support and Human
Rights Association of the collective punishment of the Palestinian
people, with a focus on the mass arrest campaign and its implications.
The disappearance of three illegal settlers on Thursday 12 June has
created the perfect pretext for the Israeli government to attempt to
crush Hamas in the West Bank and destroy the recently formed unity
government as well as collectively punish the Palestinian people.
Despite the fact that no Palestinian faction has taken responsibility
for the disappearances, the Israeli Occupying Forces (IOF) is using
this opportunity to crush Hamas in the West Bank.
According to a Reuters
story, Israeli military spokesperson Peter Lerner stated: “We have two
efforts ongoing in parallel. First is to bring back the boys, and the
second is to take a toll on Hamas for its actions." This comment
implies a tactic of intimidation and ulterior political motivations
that go beyond a search for the missing illegal settlers.
Ongoing now is the largest Israeli military operation in the West Bank.
Israeli officials have stated that this is the beginning of a larger
and prolonged operation, which can be interpreted as a way to
strategically capitalize on the disappearance in order to wage
destruction and terror across the West Bank.
As a human rights organization, we are deeply concerned about the
collective punishment and mass arrest campaigns that have been imposed
on the Palestinian people, especially due to the widespread silence of
the international community in the escalation of human rights
violations of the Palestinian people.
for conscience) Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association is a
Palestinian non-governmental, civil institution that works to support
Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli and Palestinian
prisons. Addameer believes in the importance of building a free
and democratic Palestinian society based on justice, equality, rule of
law and respect for human rights within the larger framework of the
right to self-determination. Addameer's work is based on a belief in
the universality of human rights as enshrined in international law.
abduction of Palestinian teens
(Electronic Intifada, Amena Saleem 6/17/14)
In the first ten days of June, seventeen teenage boys were abducted in the occupied West Bank.
Some were dragged at gunpoint from their homes and family in the middle
of the night; others were seized from the streets in broad daylight.
All of the abductions were documented by
the Palestinian Monitoring Group.
reported by the
international media. No Western politicians called for the release of
On 12 June, three more teenage boys went missing in the West Bank.
Their disappearance sparked worldwide media coverage, cries of
terrorism and demands for their release by the US Secretary of State
and the UK Foreign Secretary.
Those three are Israeli. The seventeen others are Palestinian.
Since the disappearance of the three Israelis last week, the
Palestinian town of Hebron has been held under siege by the Israeli
army, up to 1,000 soldiers have been going door to door in towns and
refugee camps across the West Bank searching and ransacking civilian
homes, two hundred Palestinians have been taken into detention, a
twenty-year-old Palestinian has been shot dead (see above photo) , and
the Israeli government has been threatening the forcible transfer of
some West Bank Palestinians to Gaza.
This is the degree of control that Israel exerts over Palestinian
lives. But that control seems to be so accepted, or ignored, by Western
media that there has been next to no comment on Israel’s actions, and
the illegality of them, over the last five days. The sole focus is on
the Israeli teenagers, with scarce journalistic attention left over for
the collective punishment being meted out to thousands of Palestinians
by a country which calls itself democratic.
Netanyahu 'loathes' Obama,
The case illustrates starkly the
difference in the attitude of Western media towards Israelis and
Palestinians, an attitude exemplified by the BBC.
BBC news bulletins have carried regular updates on the missing Israelis
and backed them up with online stories....while BBC audiences remain in
the dark about the Palestinian children and teenagers regularly
abducted by Israeli soldiers.
BBC reporting also shields them from the frequency with which Palestinian children and youth are killed by Israeli forces.
There were no BBC reports on the killing of 14-year-old Yussef
Shawamreh, shot in the back and hip while gathering thistles in March,
or of 18-year-old Saji Darwish, shot in the head as he tended his goats
that same month. The killing of seven-year-old Ali al-Awwar in an
Israeli missile strike on Gaza last week also failed to warrant a
Silence cloaks house demolitions (15,000 Palestinian homes demolished
by Israel since 1993), the destruction of entire communities, with
Palestinian villages being bulldozed both in the West Bank and within
present-day Israel, the killing of Palestinian children (1,405 killed
by Israel since 2000), the denial of sufficient water for drinking,
washing, cooking to Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank, and
the true effects of the siege on Gaza which denies Palestinians
everything from essential medicines to electricity.
How many consumers of mainstream news reports in the West know any of this?
Amena Saleem is a journalist and activist, working closely with
Palestine Solidarity Campaign in the UK. More information on PSC’s
solidarity work is available here.
Israel's opposition leader charges
Prime Minister's hostility to Obama is 'endangering Israel's security,'
claims Labor's Issac Herzog, in rare confirmation
of long-rumored strained ties between 'Bibi' and 'Barack'
(Times of Israel Staff, 6/6/14)
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
“loathes” Barack Obama, and his hostile attitude to the US president
constitutes a danger to Israel’s well-being, the head of the Israeli
opposition charged on Friday night,
in a highly unusual acknowledgement of the long-rumored strained personal ties between the two leaders.
Herzog, who was minister of welfare
under Netanyahu from 2009-2011, was speaking in an interview on Channel
2 news in the aftermath of this week’s formation of a new Hamas-backed
Palestinian unity government. Netanyahu had called on the international
community to stand up against what he described as a government backed
by a terrorist organization, but instead the US led the world in making
clear that it
would work with the new Palestinian government, and the EU, the UN
and much of the rest of the international community quickly followed
Netanyahu and Obama have long been perceived as having a strained relationship, with policy differences emerging over how
to stop Iran’s nuclear program, and the prime minister’s expansion of settlements, among other issues.
For a figure as prominent as Herzog to use Israel’s most-watched
news program to declare that the prime minister loathes the US
president was unprecedented.
Herzog charged that Netanyahu “does not listen” to the
international community, and they don’t listen to him. Under Netanyahu,
Israel was now “completely isolated,” he said.
Herzog said Israel needed to negotiate with the Palestinians on
the principle of a two-state solution based on the pre-1967 lines, with
land swaps and “arrangements”
to resolve the contested fate of Jerusalem.
An activist puts a Palestinan flag on the Separation
Wall facing the Modi’in Illit settlement
Photo: Anne Paq/ Activestills.org
Here we go again. Palestinians do something Israel doesn’t approve
of, and Israel retaliates by using its unchecked power and leverage to
block the possibility of a Palestinian state ever becoming a reality.
By announcing the advancement of about 3,300 settlement units on
Thursday, as a retaliatory measure that it unabashedly admits is
punishment for the formation of the temporary Palestinian unity
government, Israel is proving that settlements come at the direct
expense of Palestinian livelihood – that they are the main obstacle to
a two-state solution and a Palestinian state.
Settlements as a form of punishment
also exhibit that Israel is the omnipotent power and that any form of
negotiations within this reality is inherently imbalanced and
ineffective. Israel controls the reality on the ground and does as it
pleases, when it pleases, while laying blame on the Palestinians. Even
though Israel is constantly taking unilateral actions, when
Palestinians do so, it is suddenly out of bounds.
It is not the first time Israel has used settlement expansion as a
direct response to Palestinian efforts to promote statehood in the
international arena. It did so in 2012 after the UN recognized
Palestine as a non-member state with observer status, and in 2011 when
Palestine was successfully admitted to UNESCO.
In recent years, every time Palestinians take an independent
political step in an effort to somehow alter their evergreen reality as
a stateless, occupied nation, Israel punishes them for it – as if it
were an abusive parent.
Can you imagine the Palestinians doing the same thing in response
to their objection to the makeup of the Israeli government or its
actions in the international community? Of course not, because the
Palestinians do not hold that kind of power. They cannot affect direct
and immediate changes on the ground the way Israel can, through
demolishing homes, cutting off water or electricity, withholding tax
revenues, intimidating people, arresting children, etc. All of these
tools are of course very violent, but if Palestinians so much as throw
rocks, they are immediately cast as the violent party and often at risk
Palestinian daily lives are
entirely subject to Israeli rule and systematic violence – and whether
they respond with violence or try through various long-term
non-violent means to change the reality – i.e. through popular
protests, applying to international bodies or boycott movements, they
are punished. Israel puts a lot of energy and resources into
delegitimizing and debilitating the non-violent efforts.
It is not just the fact that Israel is expanding settlements
on a future Palestinian state – something the entire international
community agrees is a direct affront to Palestinian self-determination
– as a form of punishment, but the cynical and cruel way in which it
uses Palestinian lives, land and resources as a bargaining chip, a
blackmailing tool, a pawn to promote its own agenda.
When you think about it, it is really quite astonishing that the
world lets Israel get away with it, over and over again, and that so
many people still seem to think this is a conflict with two equal sides
and that Israel has any intention of facilitating the establishment of
a Palestinian state.
For additional original analysis and breaking news, visit +972
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Istanbul based Israeli percussionist Yinon Muallem
note - Yinon was studio guest during Gaza Corner on 5/31/14;
posted two articles from 2012 featuring Yinon
photo courtesy of Emil Salman
Turkey and Israel keep bonds alive through music
Israeli and Turkish musicians have become "volunteer ambassadors" to create and maintain bonds between the two countries
(Menekse Tokyay for SES Turkiye, 2/21/12)
At a time of battered bilateral
political relations, Turkish and Israeli musicians continue to bridge
differences. Although music alone doesn't have the power to transcend
all political problems, it does keep some level of people-to-people
contact alive, helping to create better understanding between cultures.
"The sound of music doesn't have any passport … It does not recognise any border or religion," explained Yinon Muallem
an Israeli composer and percussionist who is also the cultural attachť
at the Israeli consulate in Istanbul. "The aim of the music and the art
in the greater sense is to unite peoples and cultures, to bring hearts
together around a multicultural language," he added.
As a self-described lover of Turkey, Muallem has taken the stage with
various Turkish musicians like Omer Faruk Tekbilek, harpist Sirin
Pancaroglu, singer Ferhat Gocer and the Tekfen Philharmonic.
Musical Diplomacy between Turkey and Israel
The music of Yinon Muallem, who is now the cultural
attache in Israel's Istanbul consulate, embodies
all that can be good about Israeli-Turkish relations
(by Bernny Ziffer, Haaretz, 8/31/12)
Yinon Muallem handed me his CD, "Nefes"
("breath" in Turkish ), on the cover of which he had scribbled the
brief inscription, "In friendship." The truth is that, without being
acquainted with one another, the two of us have for many years been the
friends, even the lovers, of the same city: Istanbul. While Muallem, a
talented musician, composer and arranger, expresses his feelings for it
with music, I express them with words.
More than a decade ago, I visited what
had once been my mother's home in Istanbul and which is today a coffee
house and concert hall that bears the name Gitarcafe. The owner at the
time, Sumru Agiryuruyen
(who also performs on Muallem's CD ), said to me, "Yinon Muallem was
here just yesterday." At the time, I had no idea that the Israeli-born
Jew is one of the most admired musicians in Turkey and that he has made
a name for himself as someone who has breathed new life into classical
Turkish music and given it a new relevance.
Meanwhile, Israel wisely decided to utilize Muallem's popularity and,
during this difficult period in Israeli-Turkish relations, appointed
him cultural attache in the Israeli Consulate in Istanbul.
It could be said that Muallem anticipated the need to heal this rift:
He decided to make his home in Turkey because of his love for Turkish
music and because of a desire to learn from one of the masters of the
oud how to play that instrument. After moving there , he married a
Turkish woman (whose name is Dilek; her voice can be heard in one of
the tracks on the album ); they have a son, Rast (which is the name of
a makam, an important melodical or compositional tradition in Middle
Eastern music ) or Can (which means "soul" in Turkish ).
His father, David Muallem, is a retired judge and Israeli musicologist
who is the author of a basic text on Middle Eastern music, "The Maqam
Book: A Doorway to Arab Scales and Modes," which was published in
English translation by OR-TAV Music Publications (2010 ). Although he
has followed in his father's footsteps, Yinon has distanced
himself from the theoretical tenor of his father's approach and, in his
compositions, blends various classical Middle Eastern genres with one
another as well as with jazz and world music. The result is a light and
highly contemporary texture that nonetheless preserves the beat of the
decisive rhythm that dominates Ottoman music.
Recently, at Beit Avi Chai, a cultural and social center in the heart
of Jerusalem, I saw him perform in a show entitled "Istanbul-Tel Aviv:
Music without Borders," which sums up Muallem's years of wandering
between these two cities with an ensemble that has loyally stayed at
his side for years.
A fighter in Aleppo. Rebels, many of them small-time gangsters, ‘have smeared much of the Syrian revolution’s legitimacy’.
Fine line between fighter and thug in Syria
Journalist Anthony Loyd recounts being betrayed, beaten,
(Anthony Loyd, The Times (UK) 5/19/14)
see excerpted text below
Battered: (UK) Times journalist Anthony Loyd
Loyd audio excerpt courtesy of BBC's Today program
"A few hours before he shot me, Hakim Anza sat on a mattress next to me, staring into space. He had been awake all night and when I asked why he could not sleep,
he made a twirling motion beside his temple. “The war. Many things,” he said.
At his feet a silver automatic pistol lay onthe floor beside a cup of cold coffee and
a piled ashtray. It was 6.30am.
I had known Hakim for two years. In his early 30s, he had been an accountant
who was among the first to rebel against President Bashar al-Assad’s
regime, driving the police from the area of Tal Rifat, his home town in
By mid-2012 Hakim was a mid-level commander with Liwa al-Tawhid, a
rebel brigade that later morphed with other local rebel units to become
part of the Islamic Front.
Since our first meeting with him, photographer Jack Hill and I had stayed
with Hakim on several occasions: I had
seen him cry over the bodies of his dead fighters, exalt over the
lives of his three young children, and I had slept and eaten on the
same floors with him in Aleppo’s urban front lines.
So I considered Hakim a friend. I knew he had a ruthless streak
and that many of his fighters had the semi-feral aura of men imbued too
long with violence. But I liked him, and part of the reason that I
visited him last Tuesday evening, staying overnight as a guest in his
home before setting off for Turkey the following morning, was to
congratulate him on the recent birth of his daughter.
That silver automatic was no stranger to me either. Hakim never
went anywhere without it, and slept with it under his pillow. It was in
Hakim’s hands a few hours later, a few hours after Jack and I had bid him farewell.
Hakim and men like him, small-time
gangsters elevated to power by civil war, have smeared much of the
Syrian revolution’s legitimacy. Their criminality has so clouded the
outside world’s perception of the war that most people in the West now
regard the conflict as a struggle between two competing and
equal evils: the regime and the rebels. Syria’s third dimension — the
silent and innocent civilian majority who have found themselves torn
apart between two sets of slathering jaws — is
too often ignored.
The plan that Hakim hatched was an example of flawless treachery.
He embraced Jack and me as we said our goodbyes to him in Tal Rifat on
Wednesday morning and headed north towards Azaz and the Turkish border.
In the car with us were Hamza, our friend and prized fixer, and Avo, a
handy young rebel who acted as our close protection. In the vehicle in
front three of Hakim’s men drove as escort. We were on his turf and we
trusted him. I was already thinking of a hot shower in a Turkish hotel.
Then a dark blue BMW G8 four-wheel-drive vehicle appeared in front
of us. A camouflaged arm appeared from the window and waved us down.
Certain it was
an abduction attempt, I told Hamza to accelerate, but our car was no match for
the pursuer’s power. So we pulled in.
Four armed men leapt from the BMW, pushing Hakim’s men aside and
bundling the four of us into their boot with a succession of hefty
blows and kicks. They put a blanket over our heads and sped away. We
were taken to an abandoned agricultural building near Azaz, where every
item was taken from our pockets, along with our luggage. The eager
snatching of our watches and wallets seemed to suggest a criminal group
rather than Islamic extremists, but this was little consolation.
Blindfolded and plasticuffed,
within an hour we were bundled into another vehicle and driven into a
lockup garage in Tal Rifat. I was in the back seat beside Avo. Jack and
Hamza were in the boot.
It was then that our abductors made a key mistake. They left the
boot open an inch to allow Jack and Hamza to breathe and they left only
one guard to watch over us. There was no way I could remove my
plasticuffs, nor could I properly hear the whispered discussion between
Hamza and Jack in the boot. Unbeknown to me, both men had freed their
hands. Hamza suddenly jackknifed upwards and kicked the boot open,
springing out to tackle the guard, whose identity confirmed our worst
fears: it was Alaa, one of Hakim’s gang who had served us breakfast
In the space of a few seconds, as I sat trapped and bound in the
car, Jack and Hamza fought with the man, and left him beaten on the
ground. It was a violent start to a savage hour. Avo and Hamza burst
through the side of the lockup doors and sprinted up the street,
yelling at dumbfounded bystanders that Hakim was holding Western
hostages. Hamza jumped on a moped. Jack ran straight into
Tofiq, one of Hakim’s henchmen, and the two men began to fight in the street.
Hakim appeared from a doorway and laid into Jack too, as Jack,
fighting desperately, screamed at him in a mixture of rage and
surprise: “You are my
f . king friend!”
I had climbed the lockup stairs and was making my escape across
the roofs, my hands still bound. This went well, until the roofs ran
out. For a time I squeezed flat in a narrow slash of shadow against a
water tank, planning to wait until darkness.
But people in the street had seen
my rooftop dash and were pointing out my position to gunmen below. I
scrambled down a ladder and, as women fled a courtyard below, I ran
into a private home, clamped a kitchen knife between my teeth and
attempted to saw through the cuffs securing my wrists. I had not got
very far when two Kalashnikov bullets smacked into the wall beside me.
Hakim’s men burst in and dragged me outside, where they started
beating me around the head with rifle butts. I was covered in blood and
lying on the ground when Hakim walked up. He was white with rage. His
double-cross had failed, and now he had to contend with a questioning
“I thought you were my friend,” I told him. “No friends,” he
replied, pulling his pistol and shooting me twice in the ankle just to
have the satisfaction of crippling me.
But his chance was over. There was no way, before so many
witnesses, of taking us hostage again. Hamza and Avo were already gone,
spreading word of what had happened and rousing help.
Jack was beaten up and taken to a police cell where he was
stripped, before being rescued by some Islamic Front fighters and taken
to a safe house. I was dragged outside, still bound, and beaten further
Just for the hell of it, Hakim’s men wheeled up the man who had
been felled by Jack and Hamza for him to have a go too. After punching
and kicking me for what seemed like eternity, his piece de resistance
was to pick up a rock and smash it across my head.
After that they either had to kill me or take me to a local
clinic. Fortune was fast leaving them, and our special risk consultant,
Russ Finn, had already come across the border with Islamic Front rebels
to search for us.
Hakim’s continued claims that we
were CIA spies or ISIS volunteers did not gain much traction with the
locals, so they took me to a clinic. Doctors looked horrified at what
They saw me, covered in blood, have every item of clothing cut from my body so that my hands could be kept lashed together.
Soon an Islamic Front commander arrived. He looked at me and looked at Hakim’s men. “Get out,” he ordered them. They left.
I do not know if anything ever happened to Hakim as the result of his actions. I doubt it.
He sent me a threatening, half-crazed message on Skype on Friday,
repeating allegations that I was a spy and alleging that a head torch
that Jack had given him was an eavesdropping device. He warned that if
this story was ever published he would respond by printing contrived
documents that would endanger us.
He may have beaten us and hurt us, but his greatest crime was to
rob from his own people. Our entire documentation of a week’s work in
Aleppo — notebooks, cameras, video — was stolen by his men. The voices
of decent, innocent Syrians struggling for life amid abysmal conditions
were stolen by Hakim in his bid for personal profit, making him guilty
of a crime far worse than abduction with violence."
note: More than 60 journalists have died in Syria since 1992.
Fighting for history:
Iraq, the US and the hidden Jewish archive
2003, American troops discovered a trove of Jewish documents in
Baghdad. Now the Iraqi Jewish Archive is at the center of a struggle
for Iraq's past and its future.
(by Raf Sanchez, The Telegraph UK 5/15/14)
The basement of the bombed-out Iraqi intelligence headquarters was dark, hot and flooded.
Severed wires hung from the ceiling and dead animals floated in
the water that filled the gloomy hallways. The building’s top floors
had been crushed by US bombs dropped weeks earlier and it seemed
possible that the whole structure could collapse at any time.
But the soldiers from Mobile Exploitation Team Alpha, the American
unit tasked with hunting for Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass
destruction, waded on into the darkness.
One of the American soldiers pushed into a small room off the main
basement corridor and after a few moments emerged holding a wooden box
shaped like a minaret and covered in purple cloth.
“I was shocked and overwhelmed,”
said Harold Rhode, a Pentagon Middle East expert working alongside Team
Alpha that day in May 2003. “I’m a religious Jew and I knew what this
was. But I didn’t know it was only the tip of an iceberg.”
The box was a tik, an ornamental case used by Middle Eastern Jews
to protect their holy Torah scrolls. It was just one of more than 2,700
Jewish artifacts amassed by Saddam’s mukhabarat agents and now lying
submerged beneath the fetid water.
Taken together the Jewish documents - ranging from five-century
old Hebrew Bibles to a 1918 letter discussing how sheep should be
allocated during Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year - capture hundreds
of years of peaceful and prosperous Jewish existence in Iraq.
That life came to an abrupt end after the founding of Israel in
1948 sparked a wave of anti-Semitic laws in Iraq and most of the
country's 130,000 Jews fled.
“These items provide an invaluable window into a way of Jewish
life in Iraq that no longer exists,” said Doris Hamburg, the director
of preservation at the US National Archives.
The Jewish books and papers would eventually fill 27 large metal
trunks, which were stored inside an Iraqi freezer truck to arrest the
growth of mold on the damp parchment.
They remained that way until August
2003, when a deal was struck: Iraq would allow the artifacts to be sent
to the US where they would be restored and catalogued on the condition
they were returned when the project was complete.
The items were christened the Iraqi Jewish Archive and hailed as
an optimistic symbol of friendship between a victorious America and a
But more than ten years later, after thousands of American deaths
and amid frayed ties between Baghdad and Washington, the US is no
longer so sure about returning historical documents it spent $3 million
(£1.8 million) restoring.
Earlier this year the US Senate, in a rare moment of unanimity,
passed a resolution calling on the Obama administration to renegotiate
the agreement with the Iraqis.
The senators argue that the archive belongs first and foremost to
the descendants of the exiled Iraqi Jews, the vast majority of whom now
live in Israel. Like most Arab nations, Iraq does not recognise Israel
and it would be virtually impossible for those descendants to travel to
“This is a group of people that have had so much of their history
taken away or destroyed over the years, and under no circumstances
should these artifacts be handed back to Iraq,” said Chuck Schumer, a
New York Democrat and the most prominent of the Senate’s ten Jewish
Any hint of concessions to Israel
would be politically explosive in Iraq, and Lukman Faily, the Iraqi
ambassador, made clear his country expects the archives back.
"We consider the history of Jewish communities in Iraq to be an
integral part of the history of our country - one that we honour and
cherish - and nothing can erase this history, nor change our commitment
to preserving its memory," Mr Faily said in a statement to The
Telegraph in February.
This week, Mr Faily announced a compromise agreement had been
reached whereby the archive will stay in the US for now. It is not
clear if the extension will be indefinite or if a new date of return
will be announced.
While the senators claimed to be acting on behalf of the
descendants of the Iraqi exiles, not all those descendants accept the
argument that their ancestors’ belongings have no place in Iraq.
“Hauling these precious artifacts out of Iraq and into an American
gallery brings to mind the Egyptian artifacts that were taken out of
their native country to fill the display halls of the British Museum,”
wrote Sigal Samuel, a Canadian writer whose grandfather was among the
exodus of Iraqi Jews. “We should blush at the thought of expropriating
this archive for our own museums.”
Among the hundred of scholarly books found in the mukhabarat
headquarters there stands out a handwritten prayer book from 1902,
lovingly copied out by a young Baghdadi Jew in both Arabic and Hebrew.
While the unknown scribe is presumably long dead, the book has
survived through the Holocaust, the exile from Iraq, and the water that
filled the dark basement.
The flooding was caused by a 2,000lb American bomb that cut
through the building only to burrow into the ground outside without
Had the bomb exploded, the book and all the others with it would have been destroyed in an instant.
The 66th Anniversary of Israel's Independence was May 5, 2014.
The Guardian UK published several articles leading up to the anniversary.
Below are several headlines that are linked to the full articles.
Netanyahu pushes to define Israel
as nation state of Jewish people only
(by Peter Beaumont, 5/4/14 Guardian UK)
Remembering the Nakba:
Israeli group puts 1948 Palestine back on the map;
Zochrot aims to educate Israeli Jews through tours and a new
phone app about a history obscured by enmity and denial
(by Ian Black, 5/2/14 Guardian UK)
In a conflict famous for its irreconcilable national narratives, the
basic facts are not disputed, though the figures are. Between November
1947, when the UN voted to partition British-ruled Palestine into
separate Arab and Jewish states, and mid-1949, when Israel emerged
victorious against its enemies, 400-500 Arab villages and towns were
depopulated and destroyed or occupied and renamed. Most of them were
left in ruins.
Understanding has deepened since the late 1980s, when Israeli
historians used newly opened state archives to revisit that fateful
period. Key elements of this new history contradicted the old, official
version and partially confirmed what Palestinians had always claimed –
that many were expelled by Israeli forces rather than fled at the
urging of Arab leaders.
Fierce debate still rages over whether this was done on an ad hoc basis
by local military commanders or according to a masterplan for ethnic
cleansing. The result either way was disastrous.
Zochrot's focus on the hyper-sensitive question of the 750,000
Palestinians who became refugees has earned it the hostility of the
vast majority of Israeli Jews who flatly reject any Palestinian right
Benjamin Netanyahu would rather stay in power
than pursue a peace deal
Israel-Palestine peace talks have collapsed, and Netanyahu's rightwing
coalition remains in place. But this is not a long-term solution.
(Opinion by Aluf Benn, 4/30/14 Guardian UK)
What We Left Behind in Iraq
An increasingly authoritarian leader, a return of sectarian violence, and a nation worried for its future
(by Dexter Filkins, The New Yorker Magazine, 4/28/14)
Exploring 'What We left Behind In Iraq' on NPR's Fresh Air, 4/29/14)
Dore note: The New Yorker article
is an in-depth report by Filkins who covered the war from beginning to
end and recently returned there. Below are various observations
excerpted from the article but only provide a taste of what the full
New Yorker excerpts:
1) The capture of Iraqi territory by Islamic extremists, barely two
years since the last American soldiers left, prompted an extraordinary
wave of soul-searching in Iraq and the United States, which lost more
than thirteen hundred men and women in Anbar Province. Much of that
reflection, in both countries, centered on Maliki, the man in whom the
United States invested so much of its hopes and resources. Among many
Iraqis, the concern is that their country is falling again into civil
war, and that it is Maliki who has driven it to the edge.
2) At the nadir of the American occupation, in 2007, Baghdad resembled
a medieval city under siege. U.S. soldiers stood guard on every block,
part of a force of a hundred and sixty-five thousand throughout the
country, along with about thirty thousand contractors and five thousand
The fantastic bloodletting of the civil
war, when thousands of Iraqis were dying a month, turned neighborhoods
that for centuries had harbored both Sunni and Shiite Muslims into
confessionally pure enclaves.
Composer Turned Activist Malek Jandali Asks Audiences to Contribute to
Humanitarian Organizations Helping Children in Syria
(Jessica Jones, NPR Weekend Edition Saturday 4/26/14; 4:04 audio segment )
3) Two years after the last American soldiers departed, it’s hard to find any evidence that they were ever there.
4) Iraq has become one of the world’s largest oil producers, but little of the profit reaches ordinary citizens;
5) The resurgence of Iraq’s Shiites is the greatest legacy of the
American invasion, which overthrew Sunni rule and replaced it with a
government led by Shiites—the first since the eighteenth century.
6) Hanaa Edwar, who runs a nonprofit called Al-Amal (Hope) is proud of
her work but ashamed of the Iraq that Maliki and his American sponsors
have made. She recited a list of woes: “Divisions among people. The
failure of public services. The corruption. The human-rights abuses.
The judicial system? There is no judicial system, really. We are losing
7) Former American Ambassador in Baghdad, Zalmay Khalilzad:
emphasized that he did not choose Maliki; he had merely exerted
American leverage to maximum effect.
By the time Maliki returned to Baghdad, in April, 2003, Maliki had come
to regard the United States with profound animosity, friends and
associates say. Over the years, the U.S. government had supported
nearly all of his enemies—most notably Saddam—and opposed his friends,
especially the revolutionary regime in Iran. “Maliki was known as an
8) After the Gulf War, the U.S. encouraged an enormous Shiite uprising.
Saddam’s ruthless counter-offensive killed as many as a hundred and
fifty thousand Iraqis, the overwhelming majority of them Shiites; the
U.S. stood by, which Shiites see as a monstrous betrayal.
Syrian Refugee Benefit
Friday, July 11 in SF
Living room concert featuring
Palestinian qanunist/singer Ali Amr
info: tangentsradio (at) gmail.com
NPR Audio Transcript:
SCOTT SIMON, HOST:
As the conflict in Syria rages, a
pianist named Malek Jandali has turned to composing to express his
sorrow. He was one of the first Syrian artists living abroad to openly
criticize the Assad regime, not long after an uprising swept across his
Jessica Jones from North Carolina Public Radio shares how he found his voice through music.
JESSICA JONES: In 2011, Malek Jandali was visiting his family in Syria.
There he witnessed the early stages of a rebellion that resulted in the
detainment and torture of many young Syrians. When Jandali returned to
the U.S., he sat down at the piano and poured his heart out in a song.
MALEK JANDALI: And I started in a very melancholic, sad minor key.
JANDALI: I was just actually pouring my thoughts and my melodies and my
passion and just making music. I was just inspired by those kids and by
what's going on back home.
JONES: As an orchestral composer, Jandali had never put words to music
before. He decided to call the song "Watani Ana" or "I Am My Homeland."
Recorded in 2011, it featured Palestinian and Iraqi singers as soloists
(including Salma Habib).
JONES: That song marked the beginning of the soft-spoken composer's
turn toward activism. In addition to writing more music about the
conflict in his homeland, Jandali is also on a concert tour that asks
audiences to contribute to humanitarian organizations helping children
in Syria. He performed recently at Duke University.
JANDALI: You don't need anything else but stop the war, have a no-fly
zone, protect the children so we can have peace, justice and
JONES: Local musicians and singers
participated in the concert. North Carolina State University music
professor Jonathan Kramer accompanied Jandali on the cello.
An unmanned U.S. Predator drone
JONATHAN KRAMER: The cello is of my own heart turned outward. And the
opportunity that I have to play this music with this man under these
circumstances is a way to express my own deep love for music and
humanity and my deep sorrow that things are the way they are in the
JONES: Members of the audience said they were moved by the performance.
Rebecca Jouben is a professor at Davidson College just outside
REBECCA JOUBEN: I think that he speaks to our conscience. This is a
tragedy before our eyes. It's not something we're reading about in
history books. It's right before our eyes.
JONES: According to the U.N., more than 100,000* people have died in the Syrian conflict.
*Dore note: Most authorities believe the death toll is now greater than 150,000
Jandali's parents were severely beaten when their home was invaded by
what he says were government thugs just three days after the first live
performance of "Watani Ana" in the United States. They are in the U.S.
JANDALI: So I thought, oh, my God, you know, this little, tiny song is
actually shaking an entire regime back home. For them to send their
soldiers to beat my parents, is this how powerful music is? And from
that moment, I was just on fire to do more.
JONES: Jandali has posted politically charged works on his website and
YouTube. They're set to compositions from his latest album called
"Emessa," the ancient Greek name for his hometown of Homs, Syria.
Kirsty Wigglesworth/AP Images
Yemen: On the ground in a country where unmanned
missile attacks are a terrifyingly regular occurence
(Vivian Salama, Rolling Stone in partnership with the Investigative Fund at the Nation Institute, 4/14/14)
The people of Yemen can hear destruction
before it arrives. In cities, towns and villages across this country,
which hangs off the southern end of the Arabian Peninsula, the air
buzzes with the sound of American drones flying overhead. The sound is
a constant and terrible reminder: a robot plane, acting on secret
intelligence, may calculate that the man across from you at the coffee
shop, or the acquaintance with whom you've shared a passing word on the
street, is an Al Qaeda operative. This intelligence may be accurate or
it may not, but it doesn't matter. If you are in the wrong place at the
wrong time, the chaotic buzzing above sharpens into the death-herald of
an incoming missile.
Such quite literal existential uncertainty is coming at a deep
psychological cost for the Yemeni people. For Americans, this military
campaign is an abstraction. The drone strikes don't require U.S. troops
on the ground, and thus are easy to keep out of sight and out of mind.
Over half of Yemen's 24.8 million citizens – militants and civilians
alike – are impacted every day. A war is happening, and one of the
unforeseen casualties is the Yemeni mind.
Symptoms of post-traumatic stress
disorder, trauma and anxiety are becoming rampant in the different
corners of the country where drones are active. "Drones hover over an
area for hours, sometimes days and weeks," said Rooj Alwazir, a
Yemeni-American anti-drone activist and cofounder of Support Yemen,
a media collective raising awareness about issues afflicting the
country. Yemenis widely describe suffering from constant sleeplessness,
anxiety, short-tempers, an inability to concentrate and,
Last year, London-based forensic psychologist Peter Schaapveld
presented research he'd conducted on the psychological impact of drone
strikes in Yemen to a British parliamentary sub-committee. He reported
that 92 percent of the population sample he examined was found to be
suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder – with children being the
demographic most significantly affected. Women, he found, claimed to be
miscarrying from their fear of drones. "This is a population that by
any figure is hugely suffering," Schaapveld said. The fear of drones,
he added, "is traumatizing an entire generation."
Air strikes by U.S. drones and Yemeni jets have grown in frequency in
recent months, destroying families, and as such have stoked resentment.
"For every one person killed," psychologist Schaapveld argued, "there
are going to be hundreds that are affected psychologically."
This undated image posted on a
militant website on Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2014 shows fighters from the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) marching in Raqqa, Syria.
Photo by AP
Syrian jihadi town where 'brides' are snatched from schools
Missile strikes, allegedly by U.S.
drones — which American officials argue is a safer, more efficient and
precise form of aerial warfare than using piloted fighter jets or
sending ground troops — have now been reported in twelve of Yemen's 21
governorates, with as many as 504 people killed in confirmed strikes
since 2002, according to data compiled by the London-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism
. Another 44 people have been killed in possible U.S. strikes.
The overall fatality count, though, is clouded by America's growing use
of so-called "signature strikes" — guilt-by-association attacks against
suspected but unidentified targets. Having committed no prior crime,
these victims' names are not part of any list and in some cases, not
even known. Many Yemenis say that the increased prevalence of signature
strikes makes it impossible for them to predetermine possible targets,
heightening anxieties among those who feel that they will inevitably
end up in the crosshairs.
Beginning in 2009, the Obama administration made drone strikes its
go-to method for killing members of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP), causing a spike in reports of drones in Yemen.
The U.S. has tacitly admitted some culpability for accidental civilian
deaths. Caitlin Hayden, a spokesperson for the National Security
Council, says that, "in situations where we have concluded that
civilians have been killed, the U.S. has made condolence payments where
appropriate and possible."
None of the families to whom the author spoke to report receiving any
payment from the American government, but some families, including
those impacted by the wedding strike, have been promised compensation,
in the form of 101 rifles and $101,000, from the Yemeni government.
Once liberal bastion Raqqa was over-run by al-Qaeda group
before secular rebels launched a fight back
(Richard Spencer, Independent UK, 3/29/14)
A year ago, the city of Raqqa in
northern Syria was sprouting political activist groups and
philosophical discussion circles. A “guerrilla gardening” squad
promoted environmental awareness by planting vegetables in central
The liberals who made it a base after the rebels swept in and drove out
the regime in March last year are gone, disbanded, accused of
supporting democracy and other “kuffar” or infidel beliefs, their
members living either underground or in Turkey.
The city has been transformed into a
staging ground for displays of the harshest “justice” meted out by the
Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), the jihadi group too extreme
even for al-Qaeda that has imposed its rule over large parts of the
Refugees, women still living under its rule and men who have escaped
from its prisons have told Telegraph of the life under the shadow of
the extremist group’s black flag.
One woman, whose name the Telegraph knows but is withholding, described
how she went to the recruiting office of an all-women jihad unit,
formed from the women who have flocked to Syria from Europe and
elsewhere to serve the cause, some with their children.
“I went inside their headquarters, which used to be the Christian
church,” she said. “I asked what the conditions were to join. They said
you have to be 18-25, unmarried, and you would earn 25,000 Syrian
“But if you joined you had the opportunity to marry one of the
foreign fighters. However, they make sure you are a real jihadist.”
She said that outside she met four new recruits, three from Tunisia,
and one Frenchwoman, who told her she was divorced and had brought her
12-year-old daughter and four younger sons to Syria to join the
The opportunities for marriage in the Syrian jihad - and before
“martyrdom” - is a recurring theme of the blogs and other online forums
favoured by ISIS’s foreign fighters in Syria, many of whom write in
But the Raqqa woman and other activists from the town say that the
imbalance of the sexes means ISIS has begun to “recruit” brides from
local schools and colleges.
Among those who resisted, they say, was
a 21-year-old student called Fatima Abdullah from a tribal area outside
the city, whose brother had joined ISIS and persuaded their father to
hand her over for marriage to a Tunisian. She refused, and when her
family insisted, killed herself with rat poison. The story was
confirmed by other activists from the town.
Since the beginning of January, rival rebel groups including
western-backed militias still loyal to the original opposition Free
Syrian Army have launched a counter-attack across the north of Syria to
drive out ISIS.
Earlier this month, rebels all but completed an operation to remove the
extremists from Idlib province while in Aleppo province ISIS have been
forced into towns to the east. As they left their former strongholds
they killed some of their prisoners, freed others, and loaded many more
on to trucks and took them with them.
In Aazaz, a town between Aleppo and the Turkish border, ISIS retaliated
for the FSA attack by beheading four captives from other militias and
placing their heads on the plinth in the middle of the roundabout in
one of the main squares, residents.
Ahmed Primo, described how he was saved from a similar fate by a stray shell.
“I heard a voice calling my name for execution,” he said. “Then
suddenly there was the sound of an explosion. The guards and the emir,
the militia leader, were injured, and carried away. The next day the
prison was liberated and I escaped.”
Mr Primo had previously been detained by
the Syrian regime in his home city, Aleppo, and held for a month. Asked
whether the treatment he received from ISIS, which included beatings,
being bound and blindfolded for weeks at a time, and electrocuted in
his testicles, was better or worse than his experiences under the
regime, he said: “It is not a question of better or worse. It was
exactly the same.”
ISIS split last summer from Jabhat al-Nusra, the recognised wing of
Al-Qaeda in Syria, and in February was disavowed by Al-Qaeda’s leader,
But by then its capacity to instill fear by its harsh punishments, and
ability to attract fanatical fighters from abroad had enabled it to
take control of large parts of northern Syria, with Raqqa province
mostly under their sway.
Anwar Mohammed, one of the early “citizen journalists” who sent reports
of the initial uprising against President Bashar al-Assad to the
outside world, was among Aazaz’s luckiest people. He had been seized
from his home by ISIS fighters, taken to the group’s headquarters in
Aleppo city, a former children’s hospital, for interrogation, and then
detained in a prison in another town, Hreitan.
Light of build, he managed to escape one night by squeezing through the
bars of his cell and lowering himself to the ground with knotted
blankets. When he made it home - and across the Turkish border - his
father said ISIS had visited him to tell him his son was to be executed
as a spy.
What is perhaps most remarkable is that
despite the brutality, many residents of north-west Syria still back
ISIS. Samer Amori, Mohammed Nour’s uncle, said that people who
supported the regime now support ISIS. A more convincing explanation is
that by demanding control of all aspects of its subjects’ lives, ISIS
did at least manage to impose some sort of order on a Syria that is
becoming more lawless as the war progresses.
But for many men and women, particularly the liberal activists, who
have suffered under both the regime and ISIS, the recent fighting has
brought the third year of the uprising to deeply depressing close.
Mr Primo, electrocuted by fighters from the regime and Assad, said he
had always believed the West would intervene, and that what had
happened in Tunisia and Libya would happen in Syria. Now it is clear
that with the country little more than a fighting ground for rival
warlords, some not even Syrian, the West has little stomach for
“When I started out I could never have imagined anything like this,” he
said. “These people, they do not have our way of life, or of thinking.
It’s very strange to us. I didn’t expect it would turn out this way.”
Screenshot of the B'Tselem video
Over 1500 children killed by Israel since 2000
Palestinian minister says more than 10,000 children have been arrested during the same period and 200 are still detained.
Wesleyan declares itself an Open Hillel
The Wesleyan Jewish Community is the
third local Hillel-affiliate to declare that it will no longer follow
Hillel International's restrictive "Standards of Partnership".
The Open Hillel movement has already captured two campuses, Swarthmore and Vassar, and is making inroads at Harvard, Berkeley and Brown.
Statement from the Wesleyan Jewish Community
Published with the support of the majority of student leaders
Over 1,500 Palestinian children have
been killed by Israeli forces since 2000, the Palestinian Authority
minister of social affairs Kamal al-Sharafi said on Saturday.
In a statement marking Palestinian Children's Day
Sharafi said that 1,520 Palestinian children have been killed and
approximately 6,000 injured by the Israeli military in the past 14
years, the Ma'an Palestinian news service reported.
More than 10,000 Palestinian children have been arrested, al-Sharafi added, and 200 are currently being held in Israeli prisons.
"Protecting and supporting children should be a national
responsibility," he said, calling upon the Palestinian Authority to
ratify a law for the protection of minors.
The United Nations Children Fund said in a 2013 report that some 700
Palestinian children aged 12 to 17, most of them boys, are arrested,
interrogated and detained by the Israeli military, police, and security
agents every year in the occupied West Bank.
In the report, UNICEF said it identified examples of practices that
"amount to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment
according to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the
Convention against Torture."
of the Wesleyan Jewish Community 4/2/14
"We, student leaders of the Wesleyan
Student Jewish community, have followed with great interest and concern
the controversy that has swirled around Hillel International's Standard
of Partnership for Israel Activities, which prevent Hillel from
partnering with, hosting, or housing anyone who,(a) denies the right of
Israel to exist as a Jewish and democratic state with secure and
recognized borders, (b) delegitimizes, demonizes, or applies a double
standard to Israel, (c) supports boycott of, divestment from, or
sanctions against the State of Israel.
These policies have resulted in the barring of speakers from
organizations such as Breaking the Silence and the Israeli Knesset from
speaking at Hillels without censorship, and has resulted in
Jewish Voice for Peace and other Jewish organizations not being welcome
under the Hillel umbrella or in the Jewish community that gathers in
At Wesleyan, values of inclusion are
central to our identity both as Jews and as participants in the wider
Wesleyan community. We believe that no one should be made to feel
excluded, marginalized or unsafe in a religious or cultural space
because of their political beliefs, and that welcoming an individual
while censoring their opinions represents little more than probationary
community membership. We reject the idea implicit in Hillel's
guidelines that Jewish plurality gives way to Zionist unanimity, and
are acutely aware that many individuals have formed robust, meaningful
Jewish identities that do not comport with traditional Zionist ideas.
Our community is structured in a way that gives voice to these values.
Student leaders known as Jewish Renaissance Fellows organize Jewish
student life and programming on campus. The Jewish program house (known
as The Bayit) is operated by a student House Manager who also takes a
leading role in organizing student Jewish life. Thus, at Wesleyan,
Jewish life and the place of Israel within that life is shaped and
determined by the students themselves.
We believe that trust is the bedrock of any community that values each
of its members. We are grateful that the Wesleyan Jewish community does
not employ chaperones for our conversations. Students are allowed and
encouraged to introduce and be exposed to the widest possible range of
views, and trusted to make sense of the mosaic before them and form an
informed position. Our community is built on the assumption that such a
process results not in confusion, but in opinions about Israel and
Judaism that are more robust and well-reasoned because of the thought
that has gone into them. We believe that restrictive guidelines such as
the ones Hillel international has adopted are not conducive to
fostering a culture of intellectual exploration and free inquiry.
We believe that dialogue and critical
engagement are central Jewish values. Our community is founded on texts
that are meant to be interpreted, argued over, and debated endlessly.
The talmud, our central body of religious commentary, contains many
differing opinions on how laws are to be interpreted. Hillel draws its
name from the great rabbinical sage who believed that all should be
able to learn, and that discourse should be free and unbound by
guidelines imposed from above. No one has ever suggested that these
values weaken the Jewish community, and we believe Hillel
International's deviation from these principles alienates members of
our community and strays from Jewish tradition.
When Israeli settlers attack and steal, Palestinians now have a strategy
In light of these values, we would like to state explicitly what has
long been the implicit policy of our student campus community: we will
not follow the current formulation of Hillel's Standards of
Partnership. We are committed to neither censoring nor excluding
individuals, groups or speakers from our communal spaces merely because
their political views around Israel or other issues stray from
mainstream opinion. We are committed to a conversation around Judaism
and Israel that reflects the values of the members of our community,
rather than the political preferences of the leaders of Hillel
Therefore, the undersigned student leaders of the Wesleyan Jewish
Community — the vast majority of current student leaders, including
both current Jewish Renaissance fellows and the current Bayit House
manager, as well as many former Jewish student leaders — express our
solidarity with, and support of, the Open Hillel movement. As an
affiliate of Hillel, we call upon Hillel International to reform its
guidelines so as to ensure that no member of the Jewish community is
barred from a space that should be rightfully theirs because of a
desire to critically engage with, and express opinions about, issues
that relate to Israel."
(Daniel Estrin, PRI's The World 3/28/14)
A few weeks ago, in a West Bank olive grove, someone tried to steal a mule.
The incident may seem way too trivial to even bother mentioning. It didn’t make headlines when it happened.
But in the West Bank, an event like this quickly becomes a very high
stakes game. And that offers a glimpse of life against the backdrop of
one of the world’s most intractable conflicts.
Lubban is a Palestinian village surrounded by Israeli settlements on nearly every hilltop.
Ghassan Daghlas, a Palestinian official who monitors Israeli settler
activity in the West Bank, said he got a call that a farmer near Lubban
had caught a settler trying to steal his mule.
“The settler was in a car, driving,” Daghlas said. “He saw a mule tied
up to a tree. He thought he would steal the mule. He could get on the
mule and ride it [back to his settlement up the road.]”
But the Palestinian farmer caught the settler, put him in a car, and
telephoned his village council. Soon, a whole group of villagers were
surrounding the farmer’s car with the settler inside. When Daghlas
arrived, he called Palestinian liaison officials, who called their
Israeli army counterparts, who soon arrived.
One villager used his cell phone to film as the farmer told the
soldiers what happened. The trespassing settler, the farmer said, was
named Zohar and was approximately 20 years old. “I told him, ‘Zohar, I
want to put you in my car, you are like my son, do not be afraid,’” the
farmer said on the video.
The Israeli soldiers escorted the settler out, unscathed. End of story.
The same thing happened a few months ago close to the nearby village of
Qusra. A group of settlers in their late teens and 20s were seen
attacking Palestinian farmers in broad daylight.
Palestinian villagers caught them and beat them up, but another group
of Palestinians put the kids on the roof of a house, gave them bandages
and water, and despite a gathering mob, made sure no one harmed them
further. Palestinian officials called Israeli soldiers who escorted the
The residents of Lubban have every reason to be angry with Israeli
settlers. In 2010, settlers were suspected of torching a village mosque
and olive trees. In 2012, a soldier and two Israeli women were arrested
for spray painting “Mohammed is a pig” on a village home.
Capturing someone in the act, however, is rare. Nabbing the mule thief
was like the occupied trapping the occupier, the mouse catching the
cat. It showed a strategy that Palestinian officials are trying to
“If a problem erupts, we need to announce it through the mosque
declaration system. The whole village will know about it,” Daghlas
said. “Secondly, everyone should gather. We need numbers to combat such
"Number three, we need to immediately [alert] people like me, as well
as a Palestinian coordination officer. We need to create a system for
coordination” — for contacting Israeli soldiers to evacuate the
settlers and avoid Palestinians harming them.
March 22 is World Water Day
East Children's Alliance (MECA) Maia Project is now providng
clean water to more than 50,000 children in Gaza every single day
For Palestinians, this is a strategic move, said Daghlas.
“Our people are aware of the repercussions and the punishments that
would fall on their heads if they were to use violence,” Daghlas said.
Settler attacks can happen as frequently as every week, said Sarit Michaeli of the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem
These spontaneous vigilante groups — neighborhood watch-style — are the
only real way Palestinians can protect themselves from settler attacks,
she said, because the Israeli security forces aren’t doing their job
“Each and every incident seems minor. I mean, it’s one car here, one
olive grove there,” Michaeli said. “But if you view the series of
attacks that have been perpetrated against Palestinians in specific
areas, every single incident contributes to a very, very large picture
in which people are living in places where they have no protection.”
Dani Dayan, a leader of the settler movement, chastises the Israeli
security forces for failing to prevent and prosecute settlers who
commit the attacks.
Dayan said he has met with Israel’s attorney general, the police
inspector general, the head of the Shin Bet clandestine security
service and the army officer in charge of the area.
“I begged. I would say I demanded of them to be more harsh, and first
and foremost to be more effective,” Dayan added. “I don’t have an
intelligent answer to the question why and how our law enforcement
agencies are so unsuccessful.”
But over the past eight years, according to UN figures, the annual rate of Israeli settler attacks has almost quadrupled.
That sometimes leaves Palestinians feeling that their only recourse is taking law enforcement into their own hands.
fall, MECA installed 14 new water purification and desalination units
in schools and kindergartens bringing the total number of purification
units to 52. You can check the MECA website for a full list of locations and beneficiaries.
Water apartheid in Palestine - a crime against humanity?(Ayman Rabi, stopmekorot.org, 3/22/14)
MECA also announced the addition of Safaa El-Derawi to our team in
Gaza. Safaa is a water engineer born and raised in the Gaza Strip. She
will be making regular visits to all of the schools and kindergartens
where we have installed water units to test the water, oversee any
repairs and maintenance necessary, lead workshops about the water
crisis in Gaza, and explain to staff and students the dangers of
unpurified water to their health.
While MECA celebrates this important milestone in the Maia Project,
MECA would also like to highlight a new call to action from
friends and partners in Palestine.
Today marks the start of the first International Week Against Mekorot,
Israel’s state-owned water company that is responsible for implementing
"water apartheid" on Palestinians.
Today is UN World Water Day
- a day to
remember the billion people who are unable to meet their needs for
safe, clean water due to drought, poverty and official neglect.
But it’s also a day to remember, and fight for, 2.1 million
Palestinians who suffer something different – an artificial water
scarcity deliberately created and sustained by Israel’s military
occupation, and the private Israeli water company Mekorot.
Systematic, acute, malicious discrimination in access to water in the
West Bank and Gaza, combined with massive resource theft, is operated
by the occupation authorities and the private water company Mekorot.
Increased international pressure brings hope that the tide may be
finally turning for Palestinians striving for water justice in the West
Bank and Gaza – in particular, recent investment and partnership
decisons against Mekarot, which runs Israel’s discriminatory water
policy in the West Bank.
The situation in Gaza is especially dire. The tiny, densely populated
territory relies entirely on its depleted, saltwater-contaminated and
sewage-polluted aquifer, and the water it produces is unfit for
consumption. Water has to be bought, expensively, in bottles or from
Moreover restrictions on fuel imports
mean that Gaza’s single power station spends most of its time idle –
and so long as it’s not running, water and sewage cannot be pumped. So
the taps are dry, toilets are blocked, and sewage pollution gets worse.
Not that Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem have it a lot better.
As reported on 17th March, the city suffered a long water cut beginning
on 4th March leaving Ras Shehada, Ras Khamis, Dahyat A’salam and the
Shuafat refugee camp – cut off from the rest of the city by the
separation wall – with no running water.
The reason is simple – old and inadequate water infrastructure, which there are no plans to improve or renew.
For West Bank as a whole the facts speak for themselves. The Oslo II
Accords dealt Palestinians a singularly poor hand - limiting the volume
of water it could produce, as well as imposing severe restrictions on
the development and maintenance of Palestinian water infrastructure.
The Accords allow Palestinans to abstract only 118 million cubic meters
(mcm) per year from boreholes, wells, springs and precipitation in the
West Bank. But Israel is allowed to take four times as much – 483 mcm
per year – from the same Palestinian resources.
So not only does Israel now occupy 80% of the area of historic
Palestine, but it – via the water company Mekarot – also takes 80% of
the water resources from the 20% of the land that is left to the
As reported by Amira Hass in Ha’aretz,
“in that agreement Israel imposed a scandalously uneven, humiliating
and infuriating division of the water resources”.
While Palestinian water is piped into Israel at no cost, a fraction of
it is then piped back again, and paid for. In this way Israel is
extracting from Palestinians both their water, and their money.
In some cases Palestinians are forced to pay ten times more for their
water than the price in Tel Aviv – as in the village of Sussia on South
Mount Hebron, where they have to drive to the nearby town to buy
According to the UN Human Rights Council, this all translates into a
wide disparity between water use by Palestinians and by settlers in the
All Palestinian populations receive water volumes far below the level
recommended by the World Health Organization of 100 – 250 l/c/d.
According to the UNHRC:
“Settlements benefit from enough water to run farms and orchards, and
for swimming pools and spas, while Palestinians often struggle to
access the minimum water requirements. Some settlements consume
around 400 l/c/d, whereas Palestinian consumption is 73 l/c/d, and as
little as 10-20 l/c/d for Bedouin communities which depend on expensive
and low quality tanker water.”
These very low levels of water provision fail to meet the water needs
of many Palestinian communities – leaving them with often contaminated
water, and not enough of it.
An estimated 113,000 Palestinians in the
West Bank have no piped water supply, while hundreds of thousands more
have only intermittent supply, especially in the summer.
The restrictions and limitations imposed on Palestinians to access
their own resources and develop them have exacerbated the already
severe water shortages among Palestinian communities.
Among the restrictions are limits on the size of supply pipe, intended
to limit flows as a form of rationing. Typically 30% of the water leaks
from Palestinian supply pipes – because Israel refuses to allow their
In ‘Area C’, which covers 60% of the area of the West Bank, Palestinian
farmers and communities are not allowed to connect to the water network
that serves the growing settlements – and are forbidden even to dig out
The international community considers the establishment of Israeli
settlements in the Israeli-occupied territories illegal under
international law, as set out in the report of the fact finding mission
of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Yet the construction of new illegal Israeli settlements and ‘outposts’,
and the expansion of existing ones, is proceeding apace – and further
reducing the quantity of water allocated to Palestinians.
As reported by the UN in March 2012, another threat arises from settlers seizing springs by force:
“Palestinians have increasingly lost access to water sources in the
West Bank as a result of the takeover of springs by Israeli settlers,
who have used threats, intimidation and fences to ensure control of
water points close to the settlements.”
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) found that:
‘Week of Action Against Mekorot’
“The denial of water is used to trigger displacement,
particularly in areas slated for settlement expansion, especially since
these communities are mostly farmers and herders who depend on water
for their livelihoods.
“A number of testimonies highlighted that the cutting off from water
resources often precedes dispossession of lands for new settlement
Mekorot – at the heart of Israel’s water apartheid
All Israeli settlements in the West Bank are connected to piped water
supplied by Israeli water company Mekorot, which took over
responsibility for the water resources of the West Bank from the
occupying forces in 1982.
As the UN Human Rights Council reports: “In the Jordan Valley, deep
water drillings by the Israeli national water company Mekorot and the
agro-industrial company Mehadrin have caused Palestinian wells and
springs to dry up. Eighty per cent of the total water resources drilled
in the area is consumed by Israel and the settlements.”
Mekorot violates international law and
colludes in resource grabbing -including pillaging water resources in
Palestine. It supplies this pillaged water to illegal Israeli
settlements, and engages in systematic discrimination and denial of
water to the Palestinian population.
For this reason Palestinian
organizations including PENGON / Friends of the Earth Palestine have
co-organised a ‘Stop Mekorot‘ week of action starting today, on World
Why is Palestine taboo at Columbia College?
Eric Ruder reports on an effort to defend academic freedom for a Columbia instructor
The campaign aims to intensify pressure on governments and companies to
boycott Mekorot and hold the company accountable for its discriminatory
water policies and practices in Palestine.
In December 2013 the largest drinking water supplier in the
Netherlands, Vitens, set a precedent when it decided that its
commitment to international law meant it had to withdraw from a
cooperation agreement with Mekorot.
Mekorot suffered another blow this week when authorities in Buenos
Aires, Argentina, suspended a proposed $170m water treatment plant deal.
The decision followed a campaign by local trade unions and human rights
groups which highlighted Mekorot’s role in Israel’s theft of
Palestinian water resources.
Palestinians must have their rightful share of available resources and
be granted full authority to manage them properly. Equitable and wise
use of available resources among all people is the only basis for
lasting peace in the region.
And until then the deliberate, systematic, purposeful water
discrimination and resource theft carried out in Occupied Palestine by
the Occupation and Mekorot must be recognised for what they are –
crimes against humanity.
Ayman Rabi represents Friends of the Earth Palestine / PENGON, the
Palestinian Environmental NGOs Network – established in 1996 to serve
the Palestinian environment by coordinating the scattered efforts of
the different Palestinian NGOs working in the field of environment.
When Iymen Chehade, an instructor at
Columbia College, was summoned last fall for a meeting with the chair
of his department, he had a pretty good guess as to why. "There's
generally been one reason that they ask me to meet," he said in an
Unfortunately, he was right.
Since 2010, Chehade has taught a course about the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict in the department of Humanities, History and Social Science.
He initially taught three sections of the course and then was reduced
to two. But this semester, in the wake of his meeting with department
Chair Steve Corey, he's only teaching one.
So why did Corey want to meet with Chehade? After Chehade held a screening of the Oscar-nominated documentary 5 Broken Cameras
his class last fall, one of Chehade's students went to Corey with a
complaint of "bias." Corey told Chehade to teach his class in a more
"balanced" way and then requested that Chehade provide proof that he is
qualified to teach.
It's not difficult to see why anyone might find a viewing of 5 Broken
Cameras to be a jarring experience, but frank discussion of pressing
social issues is precisely why students seek out Chehade's class. The
film provides a firsthand account of nonviolent resistance against
Israel's attempts to destroy the West Bank village of Bil'in as Israeli
troops clear the way for construction of a separation wall.
This apartheid wall snakes it way through Palestinian territory,
separating farmers from their fields and families from one another. In
2004, the Hague's International Court of Justice ruled that Israel's
wall violates international law. Filmmaker Emad Burnat's moving
commitment to document his village's resistance to the wall
provides footage of Israeli troops using arrests, beatings, tear
gas and live ammunition to attempt to break the spirit of Bil'in.
On November 4, just seven days after Chehade's meeting with Corey,
Columbia College posted course offerings for students seeking to
register for the spring semester, including two sections of Chehade's
class. Within hours of posting the courses, however, administrators
pulled one of his sections, leaving him with only one course this
This Isn't the first time that Chehade
has found himself fending off charges of "bias." When Chehade was asked
to moderate a discussion after a public screening of 5 Broken Cameras
at Columbia College last spring, members of the campus Hillel
complained about the lack of a "pro-Israel" speaker. (Lynn Pollack, a
member of Jewish Voice for Peace, was a featured presenter.)
In the fall semester of 2011, eight students from three different
sections of Chehade's course, some of them members of Hillel, signed a
petition also making the charge of "bias" against Chehade. In a
follow-up meeting between the students, Chehade and some Columbia
College administrators, the students cited as examples of Chehade's
bias that he referred to the West Bank and Gaza as the "Occupied
Territories" (they preferred the term "Disputed Territories") and that
he used the term "ethnic cleansing" to describe how Israel drove some
750,000 Palestinians from their land and homes through violence,
intimidation and terror.
In response, dozens of students also in his class rallied to Chehade's
defense, crafting their own petition countering the eight students and
describing Chehade's course as an asset to Columbia College.
Of course, the charge of "bias" is really an attempt to constrain the
way in which the Israel-Palestine conflict is portrayed. In the words
Academic freedom entails not only the right to speak from a particular
perspective, but the freedom from being compelled to engage in a
particular type of speech. The frequent demand from Zionists that any
discussion of the conflict be "balanced" would be considered absurd in
most other contexts. For example, must every presentation about the
African American civil rights movement include a speaker who will
attempt to justify the denial of these rights?
Saudi Arabia Lists Muslim Brotherhood as Terrorist Organization
(Naharnet Newsdesk/Agence France Presse, 3/7/14)
Chehade also notes that when some
student groups at Columbia provided a platform for former Israeli
soldiers to speak in defense of Israel's military occupation of the
West Bank, he announced the event to his students and offered them
extra credit if they attended. He also did not insist on the inclusion
of a "pro-Palestinian" perspective.
Speaking about Chehade's situation, Ali Abunimad
, an internationally renowned advocate of Palestinian rights and author most recently of The Battle for Justice in Palestine
, put it this way:
For too long, teachers and students who want to speak freely about the
situation in Palestine have had to live in fear of retaliation. Calls
for "balance" are often ill-disguised efforts to ensure that
Palestinian voices are not allowed to be heard without supervision, and
that fundamental differences in power between Palestinians and the
Israeli state that occupies and colonizes their land are obscured with
"Fortunately, this is a new day, and more people are standing up
and speaking out against the silencing tactics that have been used on
campuses for so long," said Abunimah.
Prominent intellectuals and artists are adding their voices to this
effort by helping to explain the Israel-Palestine conflict in terms
that so many can relate to. Pulitzer Prize-winning novelist Alice
Walker, for example, recently compared Israel's oppression of
Palestinian to the conditions facing African Americans in the South
prior to civil rights movement. "It's so much like the South of 50
years ago, and actually more brutal, because in Palestine so many more
people are wounded, shot, killed, imprisoned," Walker said on Democracy Now!
The campaign to defend academic freedom at Columbia College and Prof.
Chehade's right to teach free of the administration's interference is
one part of this growing movement. In the words of Chehade:
"It is important to provide oppressed and struggling groups with forums
in which they speak for themselves and in their own voices--whether it
is the LGBTQ community, the African American community, or Palestinians
living under occupation. This is precisely what my approach has sought
to bring to the Palestine issue, and professors around the country are
taking a similar approach. The Zionist demand for "balance" is designed
to present the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as symmetrical. However,
the severe imbalance is clear: Palestinians are denied their basic
civil rights, and Israel continues to be in violation of international
law. The demand for "balance" is a simply a tool to muzzle."
Saudi Arabia on Friday listed the Muslim Brotherhood and two Syrian
jihadist groups as terrorist organizations, and ordered citizens
fighting abroad to return within 15 days or face imprisonment.
The move represents a major escalation against the Muslim Brotherhood
of deposed Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi and indicates rising
concern in Riyadh over the possible return of battle-hardened Saudi
extremists from Syria.
In addition to the Muslim Brotherhood, Saudi listed Al-Nusra Front,
which is Al-Qaida's official Syrian affiliate, and the Islamic State of
Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), a rogue group fighting in both Syria and
Iraq, as terrorist organizations.
The order penalizes involvement in any of the groups' activities at
home or abroad -- including demonstrations -- and outlaws the use of
"slogans of these organizations", including in social media.
Riyadh is a staunch supporter of the Sunni-led rebels* battling to
overthrow Syrian President Bashar Assad but has long feared blow-back
from radical jihadist groups, particularly after a spate of attacks by
a local Al-Qaida franchise from 2003 to 2006.
Saudi Arabia and Qatar have
reportedly armed and funded extremist groups that have been responsible
for repeated atrocities according to a Human Rights Watch report.
King Abdullah last month decreed jail terms of up to 20 years for belonging to "terrorist groups" and fighting abroad.
Similar sentences will be passed on those belonging to "extremist
religious and ideological groups, or those classified as terrorist
organizations, domestically, regionally and internationally," state
news agency SPA said at the time.
Supporting such groups, adopting their ideology or promoting them
"through speech or writing" would also incur prison terms, the decree
Rights group Amnesty International
sharply criticized last month's decree in an article on its website titled Saudi Arabia: New terorism law is latest tool to crush peaceful expression
the law used an "overly vague definition of terrorism". Amnesty
International also describes Saudi Arabia's ascendancy to a seat on the
United Nation’s Human Rights Council as showing "utter disregard
for international human right law and the UN mechanisms put in place
for its protection."
Saudi and other conservative Gulf monarchies have long been hostile
towards the Muslim Brotherhood, fearing that its brand of grass-roots
activism and political Islam could undermine their authority.
Saudi hailed the overthrow of Morsi and pledged billions of dollars to
Egypt's military-installed government following his July 2013 ouster,
and in recent months has eclipsed Qatar as the main backer of Syria's
Egypt has launched a sweeping crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood and detained reporters from Qatar's Al-Jazeera news network.
Leaked transcripts of a closed-door
meeting between Russia’s Vladimir Putin and Saudi Prince Bandar bin
Sultan, head of Saudi intelligence, shed an extraordinary light on the
hard-nosed Realpolitik of the two sides.
WikiLeaks cables portray Saudi Arabia
The details of the talks were first leaked to the Russian press. A more
detailed version has since appeared in the Lebanese newspaper As-Safir,
which has Hezbollah links and is hostile to the Saudis.
As-Safir said Prince Bandar pledged to safeguard Russia’s naval base in
Syria if the Assad regime is toppled, but he also hinted at Chechen
terrorist attacks on Russia’s Winter Olympics in Sochi if there is no
accord. “I can give you a guarantee to protect the Winter Olympics next
year. The Chechen groups that threaten the security of the games are
controlled by us,” he allegedly said.
Prince Bandar went on to say that Chechens operating in Syria were a
pressure tool that could be switched on an off. “These groups do not
scare us. We use them in the face of the Syrian regime but they will
have no role in Syria’s political future.”
as a cash machine for terrorists
(then Sec of State) Hillary Clinton memo highlights Gulf states' failure to block funding
for groups like al-Qaida, Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba
(Declan Walsh, Guardian UK, 12/5/2010)